The arrest of Brahmeshwar Singh alias Mukhiyaji, the dreaded Ranbir Sena leader, is a relief for the police force, the party in power (RJD) and, above all, the hapless peasants, who were the prime targets of the Sena. Singh had more than 36 cases of mass killings against him, including the notorious December 1997 Laxmanpur Bathe massacre in Jehanabad, killing 63 people including women and children belonging to the depressed classes, designed to safeguard the honour and status of the Bhumihars. 

  Ranbir Sena was the most prominent and dreaded of the many Senas that have sprung up in various parts of Bihar, following clashes between the landed and the landless class. Controlled by upper caste landlords, the Ranbir Sena had its stronghold in North-Central Bihar. It was born in the Belaur village of Bhojpur district in August 1994 after a skirmish between the CPI (ML)-backed peasants and the Bhumihar landlords resulted in the death of a landlord. The threat from the landless peasantry to seek a shift in the power balance was taken seriously and ways to perpetuate an imbalanced distribution of power is the root cause for the formation of the Ranbir Sena. Thus, the rise of the Sena was a reaction against violent peasant assertions, ventilated by various Naxal outfits like the PWG (Peoples War Group) and MCC (Maoist Communist Centre).

  The Sena had its goals well demarcated from its inception. Its primary function was to crush any rebellion that challenged the hegemony of the upper classes and destabilized the existing hierarchy. In doing so, it wrecked havoc on the landless peasants who dared to raise their voices against the gross inequity in the distribution of land.

  Ranbir Sena largely comprised of mercenaries drawn from the poorer sections among the upper castes. This was a well-calculated move as these were the biggest losers in the post-independence pro-poor policies. The rank and file of the Sena was fed on a staple diet of hatred towards the Dalits and the backward castes, demanding their due share of wealth and status. The Sena targeted the villages where people rallied behind the Communist party for their rights. They generated a fear psychosis among the landless labourers, who at one point feared to even voice their genuine grievances. Cashing in on their helplessness and their inability to retaliate against the atrocities and injustices committed upon them increased over time. The last two years, however, have provided some respite, as the Sena was preoccupied in dealing with infighting among its members. Their last major attack was in July 2000 at Miapur.

  The Sena phenomena is a sharp reminder of the fact that, even after 55 years of independence, caste remains a central feature of the Indian polity and society, and that the caste hierarchy is carefully nurtured by vested interests. It also raises questions about aspects of governance, the most visible being the law and order situation. The Ranbir Sena’s ability to strike with impunity has become a constant source of embarrassment for the Laloo/Rabri regime. The year 1999 saw the dismissal of the State government for its inability to nab the culprits of the gruesome Shankarbigha and Narainpur massacre, which followed in quick succession in February and March 1999. The inability to prevent the massacres coupled with the failure to apprehend the culprits and bring them to justice has corroded the legitimacy of the successive State governments.

  The RJD has tried to blame the BJP for its inability to cleanse Bihar of the numerous private armies that have sprung up. This accusation gained some credibility when the Ranbir Sena openly supported the BJP-led NDA government in the parliamentary elections of 1999. The RJD went to the extent of accusing the BJP of using the Sena to carry out political murders on its behalf, though the BJP has categorically denied these accusations as being ‘baseless’ and an attempt by the RJD government to cover up its inability to maintain law and order. However, the fact remains that the BJP has never voiced its opposition convincingly against the Ranbir Sena. Brahmeshwar’s arrest should be considered good tidings, providing a glimmer of hope that law and order will be restored in this otherwise ‘lawless’ state. But a deeper and more significant issue that needs to be addressed is land reforms. A redistribution of land, which is the chief source of wealth creation, needs to be undertaken immediately. The twin benefits of such a move will be that it will provide a permanent and long-lasting solution to the class wars in Bihar and assure the depressed and vulnerable sections their rightful place in the society.