Recent reports document accusations against the Arakan Army (AA) of detaining, extorting, and abusing refugees returning to Maungdaw from Bangladesh. As Myanmar’s civil war continues unabated, instances of brutality and human rights violations against civilians have increased exponentially, with the AA emerging as a particularly notorious entity.

As per the most recent estimates, the AA, an anti-junta ethnic armed organisation, controls around 90 per cent territory in Myanmar’s Rakhine state. It came into being in 2009 for Arakan self-determination through the ‘way of the Rakhita’ (Rakhine way of life) and is known for its commitment to a people-first approach, with an emphasis on inclusive governance.

The discord between the AA’s purpose and practice raises the question of whether the AA has sidelined its raison d’etre by perpetrating the same violence that necessitated its creation.

AA on Paper

The AA was established with the intention of liberating the people of Arakan from Burmese ‘colonialism’ and building a just, free, developed, and sovereign future for them. The AA proposes a confederate status within the larger state of Myanmar. It is part of a long-standing anti-state resistance in the Rakhine region, stemming from concerns about poverty, lack of development benefits, state repression, and political under-representation.

The AA has consistently presented itself in ‘oneness’ with the people and maintained that the protection of people is its prime consideration. It has been able to amass popular support by invoking cultural notions like ‘way of the Rakhita’ and involving all communities. It is through this support that people have not only signed up as recruits for the AA but also granted it legitimacy and success.

The AA, through its political wing, the United League of the Arakan (ULA), has been able to establish administrative systems, an independent police force, a tax regime, and a judicial set-up within Rakhine. In its foray as a parallel government, the AA has set up multiple committees and commissions, both to ensure better political representation from minority communities and to focus on targeted issues, like Humanitarian and Development Coordination Office (HDCO) for human rights matters.

In order to further its goal of administrative inclusion and in an effort to address the communally charged nature of the region, the AA eased many restrictions for the Rohingya Muslims. They were allowed to move from one town to another as long as they had a permit and were given some freedom to seek occupation. The Rohingya have been allowed to form a ‘Muslim Affairs Association’, granting them some autonomy in managing minor, intra-community affairs. The AA Commander-in-Chief also articulated that all ethnic people living in Arakan are “citizens” of Arakan, and gunned for their dignity and protection without any discrimination. Post such leadership proclamations, some Rohingya individuals claim a dial-down in racism and reduced discrimination while accessing public facilities like healthcare centres.

AA in Practice

Despite its professed policies based on the inherent right of the Arakan people’s dignity and right to life, the AA has been carrying out major human rights violations in the region to maintain and expand control.

The AA has been committing civilians into forced labour. A Fortify Rights report indicates that civilians, usually ethnic minorities like Rohingya Muslims, Hindus, and Chakmas, among others, have been either arbitrarily detained to be used as forced labour or been forced into hard labour at gunpoint. Such labour is both military and non-military in nature and includes repairing roads, making and repairing trenches and barracks, transporting ammunition and rations, tending to cattle, farming, etc. Survivors have recounted that they were made to work in inhumane conditions, without access to food or water, for prolonged hours. They were reportedly subject to hefty fines, beatings, and physical torture as punishment for poor work or resisting work.

The AA introduced military conscription to bolster its forces in March 2025 and even banned travel of all conscription-aged individuals outside AA-controlled areas. In early February 2026, the AA forcibly conscripted 20 youth into military service while introducing a minimum quota of 25 recruits per village, including women. There are also reports of civilians being sent to the frontlines without any training to serve as human shields.

The AA has been detaining individuals on grounds (founded or unfounded) of having pro-junta allegiances. Not just the individuals in question but their families, including children and the elderly, have also been held in prolonged detention. Detained individuals have been subjected to vicious physical and mental torture. Another report highlights brutal killings and mutilations of individuals taken away for detention. The AA abducted and detained journalist Mu Dra in September 2025 for alleged investigative overreach but with no proof to support the grounds on which she has been detained. Mu Dra is yet to be released.

Despite its ‘progressive’ policy for the Rohingya, the community is the worst persecuted by the AA. The AA doesn’t acknowledge the Rohingya as native to the Arakan and refers to them as Muslim inhabitants of Rakhine. They continue to face livelihood restrictions by losing land for agriculture and areas for fishing. While they are allowed inter-village movement, the required permits are often denied and are hard to access. There is a disproportionately high number of Rohingya among victims of arrests, detention, and killings. The AA has also been accused of contributing to the ‘second genocide’ of Rohingya people by using scorched earth tactics like burning villages, forcing displacement, and orchestrating mass-killings.

Most infamously, the AA has been accused of the brutal killings of over 150 individuals, mostly Rohingya, by drone strikes while they were attempting to flee through the Naf River in August 2024. While the AA has denied responsibility, in the subsequent months, they did close off access to the same route on the grounds that militant groups were using it for escape. The Rohingya also get caught in the brutal crosshairs of the increasingly violent rivalry between the AA and some Rohingya representative organisations like the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army and the Rohingya Solidarity Organisation.

The AA has also reportedly ‘nationalised’ properties belonging to individuals who were accused of supporting the junta or having anti-AA loyalties. Among other things, the AA has been involved in drug trafficking and opium production in order to obtain arms and fund recruitment drives.

Conclusion

The AA has routinely and vociferously denied all allegations of excessive use of power against civilians. However ground-reports and survivors’ testimonies point to the opposite. While the AA has been a formidable military force since its inception and an important contestor of political power, their antagonisations were traditionally targeted only at the power centre in Naypyidaw. The crux of their policy is to strengthen popular support and represent the people. Their contradictory on-ground practices therefore appear particularly hypocritical. These violations dilute the AA’s core distinguishing factor by eroding public trust. Public legitimacy is foundational to the organisation’s success—disregarding this is poor strategy.

Fiona Raval is Researcher with IPCS’ Southeast Asia Research Programme (SEARP).