Evolving a theoretical perspective on Human Security

30 Jul, 2000    ·   394

Report of the IPCS Seminar held on 30 June 2000


Speakers: Muchkund Dubey

 

 

Suranjan Das 

 

 

P R Chari

 

 

Muchkund Dubey

 

 

Mr. Dubey emphasised that human security consolidates state security. It is a wider concept than military security with the emphasis on governance and sustainable development. The broad concept of human security highlights the inadequacies in the traditional concept of military security, which does not appreciate the problems arising from slow rate of growth, balance of payments, fiscal imbalances. 

 

 

Prior to the idea of Human security entering into national security perspectives, the concepts of balance of power and cooperative/ collective security dominated international relations theory and practice. Collective security has not worked because UN sanctions have not been effective. The costs of non-cooperation within a cooperative security regime need to be raised  to make it more effective. Further, the perception of commonness of interests between nations needs to be encouraged for any form of collective security to be succeed. Threats to security from environmental degradation, depletion of natural resources, terrorism, natural disasters, and economic globalization can be handled, by going it in cooperation with other states far more effectively rather than alone.

 

 

The Indo-Pak relationship established has the balance of power in the South Asian region. Since this concept of balance of power necessitates a high level of armaments it has led to an arms race between the two countries. There is also no common interest between the two countries, with terrorism and jihad becoming part of the Pakistani agenda. The most important variable in changing the national security agendas of the two countries will be a change in the perceptions of their governing elites.

 

 

Suranjan Das

 

 

Dr. Das emphasized that a paradigmatic shift has occurred in the notion of national security based on military power or ideological and military confrontation to an understanding of security based on human concerns transcending state frontiers like socio-economic development, human rights, gender equity, terrorism, and environmental degradation. Security, in the end, is freedom from threats to one’s survival, and it should include concerns of political independence, national defence and territorial integrity.  Regrettably, the debate on human security has remained at the rhetorical level and has not been translated into concrete state policy.

 

 

To resolve this impasse Dr Das constructed a human security model for Indo-Pak relations. He argued that if the notion of human security is granted centrality to normalise Indo-Pak relations, then there would be better chances of success. Within the matrix of  “constructive Indo-Pak bilateralism” basic concerns of governance which affect the lives of people on both sides of the border, would receive prominence. This model of cooperative bilateralism goes beyond the institution of state and it pins faith on non-state actors-on people to people contact, free flow of information, economic cooperation and the use of appropriate technology to verify cooperative agreements develop mutual confidence.

 

 

The starting point for such a discourse would be an underlining the post Cold War economic compulsions of Indo-Pak bilateralism. Firstly, official Western financial assistance is now mostly diverted to the successor states of the former Soviet Union , the per capita international aid for South Asia is only $ 2 more.  Secondly, the formation of regional economic groupings is impeding the international expansion of Indian and Pakistani commerce. Thirdly, the decline of the Soviet Union has resulted in shrinkage of South Asia ’s external markets. Both New Delhi and Islamabad should to appreciate that the thriving smuggling trade across the border is denying them substantial revenues.    The two countries could also explore the possibility of right to transit through each other’s territory. While initiation of a structural change in the intra-regional trading relations under the auspices of SAPTA has helped the acceleration of Indo-Pak trading relations, its full potential this remains unrealised.  Pakistani fears of Indian hegemony in a South Asian Free Trade Area can be alleviated by adopting a phased approach for the elimination of trade barriers. Another constructive bilateral initiative could be developing of a common ecosystem, rich in biodiversity and genetic resources for simultaneously meeting electricity deficiency and using renewable sources of energy. Finally  trade and technological cooperation between India and Pakistan needs to be sustained by integration of their financial capital markets for which again studies have been undertaken.

 

 

The other realm of common concern for the people of the two countries is the issue of governance; they are locked in a similar struggle to sustain and enrich democracy, curb the centralising efforts of the federal government, guarantee human rights, integrate ethnic identities, eliminate gender discrimination, fight fundamentalism, and ensure the rights of  minorities.  Important beginnings have been made by social scientists, parliamentarians, journalists professionals, women and legal activists in generating a popular consensus on cooperative action to achieve nation-building. There is an increasing desire for peace and cooperation between the two countries at the popular level. 

 

 

PR Chari

 

 

The categorization of security into national, regional, and international is no longer valid. Threats to security from small arms proliferation, migration, environmental degradation, terrorism do not respect boundaries, laying siege to the concept of state sovereignty itself. The anarchy inherent in this dispensation is accentuated by the growing role of non-state actors in threatening the security of States and society. Most disconcerting is the rise of religious cults and terrorism that have no rationally defined objectives. Contrary pulls of integration and fragmentation are at work in the international polity. Economic impetus towards wider association of states coexists with the political compulsions of sub-nationalism.

 

 

In South Asia , politics is in a state of violent flux. The rise of regional parties ensures parochial interests gaining ascendancy over national interests. The weakening of secular ideology has strengthened religion based parties leading to a struggle between  liberal and the revivalist sentiments. This struggle draws sustenance from caste based politics. Democratisation of politics in South Asia has not led to empowerment of the people. Power has been usurped by the traditional elites; they are opposed to any meaningful decentralisation. There has been a wide spread breakdown of institutions of governance with administrative processes under strain. The phenomenon of governance processeses being appropriated by criminal elements explains the inability of state to counter threats to both national and human security. The inadequacy of a state centric, military, oriented concept of security has inspired individual centric non -military broad based concept of security. 

 

 

The State, however, remains a significant source of security, as it possesses the capabilities to influence the security, milieu positively or negatively, in which human security must be sought. For example, the symbiotic link between governance and security  reflects in the State capacity to take preventive and amelioratory measures to cope with recurrent national calamities, prevent environmental degradation, and negotiate with external powers. The State is also a provider of human security in the most basic Hobbesian sense of ensuring maintenance of law and order. On the other hand the state, can also be the chief violator of human rights. 

 

 

One must conclude  then that security cannot be either State or People centered, but State and People centered. If the security of the state is prejudiced the security of the people would automatically be affected. State and human security need not be mutually exclusive or antagonistic. They should, in fact, reinforce each other. Axworthy’s statement that “ real security is connected to the enrichment of human lives” introduces the concept of humane governance, which, in turn is, “dedicated to securing human development.”

 

 

If human security is concerned with the individual and subsumed within State security, then threats could arise from direct or indirect sources including both State and non-State actors. The causes of human security are generally amenable to intervention by State, NGOs, and private enterprise. Non-military solutions are better suited to grapple with Human Security issues rather than military force. Good governance, greater transparency, empowerment of the dispossessed, decentralisation of administrative and financial power are some of the ways to work towards ensuring human security.

 

 

To solve the existing conflicts, the inclusion of people in conflict management is essential. Clearly, preventing conflict, whether in the State or human security sphere is wiser than winning or suppressing it. Involvement of people in conflict management creates a space for NGOs and private enterprise. Good governance and humanitarian intervention then become interlinked in solving conflicts. The challenge lies in optimizing these linkages in positive directions.

 

 

A  related challenge lies in defining and delimiting the concept to human security. An all-inclusive agenda could eviscerate the concept of all meaning and equate human security with developmental processes. If this is accepted, the role of State cannot be ignored, but its activities require more purposive channeling into human development processes. However, the question to be answered is whether the State should be directly involved or be a facilitator in social development sectors like health, education, family welfare.  Actions like management of services, as distinct from provision of infrastructure, lie in the sphere of societal action. Should the State leave this area to NGOs and private enterprise? Can the State abrogate its role completely? These questions are crucial to formulating a pragmatic approach to human security.

 

 

Discussion

 

 

·                     The State, seen in a historical perspective, is a recent phenomenon. However even before the State came into existence, security was discussed, whether under the feudal state or the empires that have existed. Therefore the aspects of human security that is now being discussed is not new. Besides, the growing international economy makes it very difficult to take a globally accepted view on human security. The contradiction arises with regard to collective resources and who should appropriate them – whether it should be the state or individual groups. The question needs to be answered as to who should fulfill the wishes of the people.

 

             

 

·                     There is an urgent need to dismantle the current mindset and create a new paradigm of security. All along the concept of security has been state centric. Though one cannot wish away the state, the focus of security should be on “human survival” rather than the survival of the state. It is essential to demystify security as being primarily state oriented. The Nation State is no longer an autonomous player in ensuring security. Certain new aspects such as the trafficking of women and children also need to be taken seriously.

 

              

 

·                     Human Security is not achievable in South Asia , until India and Pakistan cooperate with each other. There is a need to bring the region together from Lahore to Dhaka , but this can not be achieved unless Pakistan stops exporting terrorism to the other regions in the name of jihad. A paradigm shift is essential at the regional plane, especially at the foreign policy making level between India and Pakistan . This would initiate a process among the other countries of the region.

 

                 

 

·                     Human Security is a function of four elements – three variables and a constant. The three variables are the behaviour of the people, behaviour of the concerned organisations and the behaviour of the state. Criminal behaviour constitutes the constant. In South Asia , there is no social contract between the people and their elected representatives. The elected representatives have no linkages with the people. If the various factors involved in human security are identified, prioritized and taken care, the rest would be taken care of automatically.

 

              

 

·                     Creation of political will and political commitment is essential for the attainment of human security. The role played by other organisations such as the bureaucracy is also essential for attaining human security.

 

                  

 

Questions and Answers

 

 

Question: What is the genealogy of the concept – human security? Where did the concept emanate? Since the concept is elastic, how to make it focussed?

 

 

Answer: Human security is a concept recently evolved in the 1990s. The origin of the concept could be traced back to the dis-integration of the Soviet Union . After the Soviet Union dis-integrated, its causes were widely researched, which resulted in the emergence of the concept of human security. The origin of the concept could also be traced back to the oil crisis and the recession in the developed countries in the 1980s. These states were vulnerable in that period, that any theory could be applied to them for alleviating their insecurity.

 

 

An autonomous factor that facilitated the growth of the human security concept is of the development of technology and erosion of authority of the state. However, in the west,  the focus remains on “realistic” security. Human security is essentially meant to be Third World centric.

 

 

Question: What should be the focus of human security? 

 

 

Answer: The focus of human security should go beyond the State and should target civil society. Even if the states are unwilling to initiate, the people could. For example, the governments in Indian and Pakistan may be reluctant to take certain steps, but the people in both countries could force their respective governments in this direction, as exist a significant population in both countries believes in such initiatives.

 

 

 

 

 

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