NATO-Russia Equation and Security in Afghanistan

05 Jun, 2007    ·   2308

Vinod Anand examines the current NATO-Russia relationship against the backdrop of the crisis in Afghanistan


Following the Cold War and dissolution of the Warsaw Pact the raison d'etre for NATO vanished overnight. The US as the dominant partner in NATO was concerned about losing its strategic influence, and started a drive to seek a new role for NATO. This was the major reason for NATO's eastward expansion - to capture strategic space vacated by the disappearance of the Soviet Union. After achieving some success in the Balkans and admitting additional members from the erstwhile Warsaw Pact, it started looking for fresh pastures. 9/11 allowed NATO to expand further, and it soon found itself leading the International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) in Afghanistan in its 'War on Terror.'

The launching of Operation Enduring Freedom against the Taliban regime was largely welcomed by Russia and the Central Asian countries alongside other regional powers. Russia and China raised no objections to the US being granted air bases and logistics facilities in the Central Asian Region (CAR) states because it suited their short term strategic interests. However, of late, Russia with its growing economy and rising foreign exchange reserves derived from its oil and gas wealth has been pursuing a policy of strategic reassertion.

Putin's strategy of internal reform and cementing strategic cooperation with China has enabled him to express strong criticism of NATO's expansion and the aggressive unilateral policies of the US. Asking the US to vacate bases in the CAR that support NATO's efforts in Afghanistan, via the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) was one such step. Russia has exhibited strong ambitions to reassert itself in its near and extended neighborhood which includes the CAR and Afghanistan as instability and terrorism in Afghanistan have the potential to spill over into the CAR and Muslim republics of Russia.

The NATO-Russia Council (NRC), established in May 2002, for consultation, cooperation, joint decision and action, has NATO and Russia working together on a wide spectrum of security issues. In April 2007, their Foreign Ministers welcomed practical cooperation in their relationship, noting the joint work on meeting the Afghan narcotics challenge through Operation Active Endeavour. Russia, in cooperation with NATO, has trained a group of Drug Enforcement Officers from Afghanistan. But cooperation on other security issues is only in form, without much substance.

Afghanistan has become a test case for NATO's credibility and relevance. Its 26 members are pulling in different directions with their own rules of engagement and caveats. Further, there is no clarity on NATO's role and mission in Afghanistan. America has handed over the most important task of combating full blown insurgency in the southern and eastern provinces of Afghanistan to the NATO-led ISAF. It is known that ISAF was more comfortable with providing protection to the Provincial Reconstruction Teams. Most of the fighting is being undertaken by the UK, Canada, Australia and Netherlands.

The 'old Europe' countries like France, Germany and Italy are in favour of accommodating Russian security interests rather than adopting an extreme unilateralist stance against Russia on security and strategic issues. They also tend to favour adopting a cooperative and constructive approach with Russia to handle security problems in Afghanistan.

Russia, on its part, has been working quietly through the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) to regain its influence in Afghanistan. In March 2007, a Russian-led Working Group of CSTO held talks with Afghan military and civilian officials in Kabul. The delegation proposed to institute regular contacts with Afghanistan's military, security, and law-enforcement agencies and invited the Afghan Defense Minister to Moscow. The delegation offered assistance to Afghanistan to build its army, security agencies, and border protection units to combat 'terrorism' and the drugs trade. Specific proposals include delivering arms and military equipment, and training Afghan military and border-troop officers and 'special services' personnel. In the non-military sphere, Russia and the CSTO offered "help in establishing the organs of executive government both at the central level and in the regions."

Russia is annoyed with NATO and the US for not recognizing CSTO as a regional security organization. Americans are not keen to recognize either the CSTO or SCO lest it provides these organizations greater credibility, but, the problems of NATO and the US in Afghanistan are mounting with the resurgence of the Taliban. There is also uncertainty about when the US will leave Iraq, which may allow it to strengthen its forces in Afghanistan. NATO, on its own, is unable to improve the security situation in Afghanistan. Will NATO and the US cut and run from Afghanistan and leave it to the mercy of the Taliban and to chaos, or will they involve the regional security organizations? That is a call which NATO and the US will have to take sooner than later.

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