Recent statements by the Pakistan's President Gen Pervez Musharraf with regard to self-governance, demilitarization and joint-management of India and Pakistan over Kashmir have once again cast a shadow of doubt on the hitherto well managed India Pakistan peace initiatives. In September 2005 on the sidelines of the UN General Assembly session Musharraf had talked about demilitarizing Kashmir.

One common thread between the demand for demilitarization in September 2005 and the demand for demilitarizing three districts of the valley that is Srinagar, Kupwara and Baramulla now, is the General's meeting with the Hurriyat leaders, first in New York and later in Islamabad. It can thus be safely assumed that the prime agenda of Hurriyat-Musharraf talks is the demilitarization of Kashmir - which receives global media coverage and generates debate whenever the two meet. It appears that Musharraf is acting as the Hurriyat's spokesman of the so called populist policies in Kashmir. Musharaf's comments also signify that Pakistan has finally accepted UN General Secretary Kofi Anan's view that the UN resolutions have been rendered useless given the present circumstances in Kashmir, and is no longer interested in using the United Nations resolutions of January 1949 with regard to holding of a Plebiscite in Kashmi) as an instrument of anti-India propaganda.

Ironically, Musharraf's joint control plan, that embodies bilateralism, is reminiscent of the 1972 Simla Accord between the two countries where both had agreed to solve the problems, including Kashmir, through bilateral dialogue. Throughout the rhetoric of demilitarization, India was correct in reminding Pakistan that decisions about deployment or withdrawal of troops within its territory was an internal affair and demands to such ends by Pakistan constituted an infringement of Indian sovereignty.

On self-governance, the idea came to the limelight when a delegation of American Congressmen led by Dan Burton visited New Delhi in November 2005 and met political leaders from Kashmir including leaders from the ruling PDP-Congress alliance and Omar Abdullah, the President of National Conference, the main opposition party of J&K Assembly. Although much debate has taken place on the idea of self-governance since, the political leadership in New Delhi or in J&K or in Pakistan has never been able to clearly spell out what 'self-governance' mean and how it may be achieved. Musharraf has gone on record saying that the ideas of self governance and setting up of an administrative structure for joint control over Kashmir region that is Northern Areas, POK, Gilgit and whole of present J&K (as was the position in 1947 during Maharaja Hari Singh's time) have been discussed with the Indian Prime Minister and diplomats on numerous occasions.

Indian government's official stand on Kashmir is that any concessions made by New Delhi to solve the Kashmir conflict would only be granted within the constitutional framework. Thus the only forthcoming solution within constitutional parameters being debated currently is that of autonomy being projected by the National Conference. It would be interesting to note here that the resolution for granting autonomy to J&K was passed by the J&K Legislative Assembly in the year 2000 and is the only legal document (offering a solution) that has the endorsement of the people of J&K through their elected representatives. Even the Union Home Minister Shivraj Patil after a meeting with NC patron Dr.Farooq Abdullah & NC President Omar Abdullah last year had agreed in principle to examine the J&K autonomy report as a possible solution to the Kashmir problem.

A befitting reply to Musharraf's utterances has surprisingly come from the J&K Chief Minister Gulam Nabi Azad who stated that the people of J&K already enjoy self governance given the special status granted to them by the Indian constitution under article 370. It would be pertinent to mention here that the State of Jammu & Kashmir has a constitution of its own which was drafted by its own constituent assembly and came into force on 26 January 1957. Under this constitution only state subjects i.e. the bonafide citizens of the state of J&K can vote or stand for elections to statuary representative bodies like Panchayats, municipalities or Legislative assemblies. Thus, if one considers Musharraf's statements blaming the Indian government of playing the game of too much confidentiality without desired progress in the peace talks, it becomes evident that once again Pakistan is making a deliberate attempt to either push through its own agenda, gain popular support at home or as has happened in the past, to take a U-turn from the present position.

The Writer is recipient of Maharaja Ranbir Singh Fellowship