Led by the maverick Nagbhushan Pattnaik, the echoes of Spring Thunder was felt in different pockets of Orissa as early as 1968. However, it is during the past two decades that the Naxal movement gained momentum and strengthened its position. Prior to their merger, the Peoples War Group (PWG) was already a force to reckon with in the districts of Koraput, Malkangiri, Nabarangapur, Rayagada, Gajapati, and Ganjam; where as the Maoist Communist Centre (MCC) was largely visible in Sundargarh, Mayurbhanj and Keonjhar. After the formation of Communist Party of India (Maoist), the Naxal movement spread to different parts of Sambalpur, Kandhamal, Deogarh, Jharsuguda, Jajpur and Angul. Presently, there are three zonal committees of CPI (Maoist) functioning in Orissa i.e. Andhra-Orissa Border Special Zonal Committee (AOBSZC), Jharkhand-Bihar-Orissa Special Zonal Committee (JBOBSZC) and Dandakaranya Special Zonal Committee (DSZC).

No single reason can be attributed for this metamorphic growth of Naxal movement in Orissa. However, the upsurge of Naxalism in Orissa reveals that today's explosive situation is largely designed by a continuous process of underdevelopment. As per the recent Planning Commission statistics, Orissa has 48 per cent poverty. This means that 17 million people are living below the poverty line. The Naxal stronghold of Rayagada, Koraput, Malkangiri, and Nabarangpur falls under the KBK region where a number of special programmes are in operation but poverty refuses to subside. During 2003-2004 and 2004-2005, a sum of Rs 500 crore was released for KBK as Special Central Assistance. Government report indicate that the money was spent; yet these districts figures among 150 of the most backward districts in the country as identified by the Planning Commission. On the other hand, the tribal districts of Sundargarh and Keonjhar have a high concentration of mining resources and sponge iron units, did not contribute to growth, other then pollution and rise of the mining mafia.

Nature has bestowed Orissa with plenty of mines and mineral resources. The state is blessed with 99 per cent Chromate ore, 92 per cent of Nickel ore, 65 per cent of Graphite and Pyrophylite, 66 per cent of Buxite, 31 per cent of Mineral sand, 32 per cent of Manganese, 28 per cent of Iron ore and 24 per cent of coal resources of the country. Yet, Orissa is one of the poorest states in the country. Ironically, the under developed, Naxal infested western and southern belts of Orissa are the storehouse of most mines and mineral deposits of the state. Over the years, several industries - big and small - as well as irrigation projects have come up in these areas. The cruel reality of the ill thought out development strategy in resettlement operations in Orissa resulted in the majority of inhabitants ending up with lower incomes; less land than before; less work opportunities, inferior housing; less access to the resources of the commons such as fuel-wood and fodder; and worse nutrition and physical and mental health.

The Naxal movement has sustained itself because it revolves around the life of marginalized people of the state. Taking advantage of the acute poverty and rampant corruption in these remote corners of Orissa, the Naxals have shown them the dream of a revolution. The Orissa government has not come out with any concrete programme to deal with the Naxal menace. It is high time that the government must realize that the Naxals have come to represent a serious internal security problem. Neighbouring Andhra Pradesh and Chhatishgarh have clamped a ban of CPI (Maoist). Where as the Orissa government has neither banned nor engaged the Naxals in talks. As a result of the ban in the neighbouring states, the Naxals have largely shifted their base to the southern districts of Orissa.

It's been more then one year now that the Orissa chief minister announced that minor cases against tribal people will be withdrawn and landless tribal families will be provided with farm land on a priority basis. It was also announced that the land disputes involving tribal people would be solved immediately. However, nothing substantial has been done at the grassroots so far. To deal with the ever-increasing Naxal problem, Orissa must sufficiently increase and manage fund allocation properly in the field of healthcare, education, nutrition programs, disease control, irrigation, rural electrification, rural roads, and other basic requirements, especially in its Naxal-infested areas. The state must ensure that its institutions do not breed exploitation. It must work on a formula where there is larger democratic participation in the process of decision-making and development.