2005 marks the 40th anniversary of normalized relations between South Korea and Japan. However, in the "Year of Friendship", old memories and antagonisms have been stirred anew by distortions in Japanese school history textbooks, and competing claims over the Dokdo/Takeshima islands. Other anniversaries also now impinge on Korean consciousness - the centenary of the signing of the Protectorate Treaty, the prelude to Japan's annexation of Korea five years later, and the 60th anniversary of liberation from Japanese colonial rule.

After the last controversy in 2001, Japanese textbooks released in March have again omitted mention of Korean women forced to serve as "comfort women" for Japanese soldiers and portrays Japanese rule of Korea as a modernizing influence. Though currently available only in few private schools, the textbook will likely influence new editions of middle school textbooks in Japan. In August 2004, when the issue first came to light, a South Korean Foreign Ministry spokesperson had noted, "[w]e need to actively help Japan to become wiser to find its wrong doings on its own."

All bets were called off, however, following the decision by Japan's Shimane Prefecture to reinforce its claim on the Dokdo islands held by South Korea by designating 22 February, "Takeshima Day". Subsequently, South Korean President Roh Moo-hyun's speech on the anniversary of the 1 March 1919 Korean protest against Japan, was particularly harsh in tone. Later, in an open letter to his nation, Roh termed Japan's action as, "justifying its invasion and denying Korea's independence" and warned of a "tough diplomatic war". The two statements by Roh have contributed to a vitriolic slanging match currently on between the two sides.

South Korea is also considering downscaling military exchanges with Japan that began after the June 2003 summit between Roh and Japanese Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi. It has also planned budget increases to reinforce Dokdo's defense, eased restrictions on its nationals visiting the islands and designated an envoy to push the case for world recognition of Dokdo as Korean territory and for the use of "East Sea" as the 'correct' nomenclature for the Sea of Japan. The two nations had already clashed in 2004 over South Korea issuing postage stamps depicting Dokdo.

Questions have also now cropped up on how Japan-South Korea relations were normalized in 1965 with calls being made for the revision of the treaty to better compensate victims of Japan's rule. During the negotiations, the Korean government allegedly bowed to Japan's demands on the issue of compensation because it needed Japanese funds for economic development. Public disclosure of the documents began recently in South Korea as also enquiries into the history of colonial era collaboration and the ties of post-colonial military regimes with Japan.

Similarly, last year, Japan's Asahi Shimbun revealed Tokyo's perfidy in ensuring the return of over 90,000 Korean residents in Japan - usually to North Korea - from 1959 to 1984. Once they had returned, many were detained, sent to labour camps or later escaped into China. The Japanese government and Japan Red Cross Society painted an untrue picture for the Koreans - called 'zainichi' - of conditions in North Korea to encourage their return while actually considering them a burden on Japan's welfare system. While asking International Red Cross officials to expedite matters owing to their "miserable life in Japan", the government contributed to that misery by cutting social benefits to the community.

North Korea is another sticking point between Tokyo and Seoul. Japan's increasingly hard-line stance for economic and political sanctions against North Korea over its kidnapped citizens and the security threats posed by the latter is in contrast to South Korean attempts to engage the North and progress toward reunification.

Japanese reactions to the latest Korean broadside have ranged from surprise to irritation. While successive Japanese prime ministers and the Emperor have issued statements of "heartfelt remorse" for Japan's colonial actions, these have been undermined by the Japanese rightwing. The latter reflect a larger trend in Japanese society and the fact remains that problems with their neighbours seldom evoke much introspection among ordinary Japanese. This has already cost Tokyo plenty with both China and South Korea refusing to endorse Japan's bid for a permanent seat on the UN Security Council.

The 1998 "Joint Declaration of the New Korea-Japan Partnership in the 21st Century" seems to have been forgotten as political relations between Tokyo and Seoul take a nosedive. The Korean daily, Chosun Ilbo once accused Japan of releasing "the discontent accumulated by conservative public opinion and economic recession" by encouraging revisionism. While Japan is slowly showing signs of climbing out of its slump, South Korea's economic downturn continues and could be a factor in the vehemence of its reactions, ironically, against a crucial trading partner. While political issues cannot be papered over, economic realities should provide the reality check. The current summit mechanism between leaders of the two sides must not fall victim to the past.. The proposed FTA between the two nations must remain an important target. It is time the governments stopped playing to the gallery and ensured that the "Asian Century" does not lose its way so early in the game.