Suicide Bombers: A New Front Opens in Iraq
Jabin T Jacob
Research Officer, IPCS
The
suicide bomber phenomenon had a faster genesis in American-occupied
Iraq, in comparison to the Palestinians who adopted this tactic in the
mid-1990s after several decades of Israeli occupation.
Iraq has been a secular Arab entity, but the
danger lies, as in the Palestinian case, that a religious coloration can be
given to suicide bombing, especially since all the suicide bombers in Iraq,
according to available evidence, have been Muslims. In addition, there is the
suspected involvement of foreign Islamic organizations. The fact that no names
or records are available of the suicide bombers in several instances, notably
the two attacks on UN buildings, and the killing of a prominent Shiite cleric in
Najaf, points to the possibility of these attacks being carried out by
non-Iraqis. It may also be true that the motivations of the majority of foreign
volunteers stems from religion - the Palestinian Islamic Jihad, for instance,
has claimed that it has sent its members to Iraq.
The
Iraqi soldier, who blew himself up on 29 March in the first suicide bombing,
killing four American soldiers, was a Shiite - a community that has frequently
resorted to such tactics in modern Islamic history - but there is no evidence of
religious incitement in his case. Two women, suspected to be involved in a
bombing, a few days later, were believed to have a religious motivation.
A
religious explanation of suicide bombings by Iraqis, however, goes only so far;
in fact, it breaks down considering Iraqi history. Saddam Hussein himself is
probably responsible for the currency that suicide bombing has in Iraq today.
During the years of the sanctions, he increasingly used Islamic rhetoric and
since 2000, had offered financial rewards for the families of Palestinian
suicide bombers, but this was a political strategy designed to safeguard
Ba'athist authority while the population suffered under international isolation.
The first suicide attack probably caught the Iraqi regime by surprise. However,
it recovered quickly to claim that this would be a tactic that would henceforth
be used to stop the American advance. Iraqi spokesmen now began to claim that
thousands of volunteers from several Arab nations stood ready to carry out
suicide attacks. The emphasis was largely on the 'Arab' world rather than the
'Islamic' world, and this pan-Arab orientation has always been a feature of
Ba'athist ideology.
If
suicide attacks have been taken up so quickly as a means of resistance, Islam is
not the only explanation. It is meaningless to debate whether or not the Iraqi
people wanted to get rid of Saddam Hussein. The point is the Americans were
supposed to be prove better in the bargain. Still recovering from the Allied
attacks following the invasion of Kuwait, and the occasional bombing runs during
the 1990s, the Iraqi populace was the victim of nearly 20,000 tons of missiles
and bombs in the few weeks of the current invasion. But, despite the casualties
of the American 'smart' bombing, a sensitive and well-planned engagement policy
in Iraq could have won over the Iraqis. Instead, as
the American 'liberation' blundered into an ill-prepared, insensitive
'occupation,' the suicide attacks continued. It is impossible to determine
whether American troops have been on the alert or whether they have been on
tenterhooks, but they have killed innocent Iraqi children, youth, entire
families and even policemen. A vicious cycle of violence has resulted, feeding
into each other. The sources of the Iraqi opposition are not just
the Ba'athist Party's "dead-enders, foreign terrorists and criminal gangs," as
the US Secretary of Defence, Donald Rumsfeld, described them, but the people on
the street are unwilling to exchange one set of tyrants for another.
In
a completely unequal fight, in terms of weapons, resources, and strategy,
suicide bombing has become the ultimate weapon of the Iraqi resistance. The
speed with which the tactic of suicide bombing has grown in Iraq, considered one
of the most progressive Arab nations, contains a warning to the rest of the
world. Even if nationalism was the driving force behind the bombings,
desperation sooner rather than later takes on the hues of religion. This is
especially true, in an environment where terrorism has become a catch-all phrase
for any opposition to a US-led West, and is readily identified as being of
Islamic origin. The challenge for the world community and the US is to keep the
situation in Iraq from turning into a self-fulfilling prophecy of civilisational
conflict.