The LTTE has ruled out participation in any peace process to resolve the ethnic crisis within the framework of a united
Sri Lanka
. The Tigers have resolved not to accept anything less than a separate Eelam.
The idea of a separate Tamil state came into being with the passage of the Vadukodai Resolution in 1976 by the Tamil United Liberation Front. Eelam is the ancient Tamil name for
Ceylon
; it was adopted to liberate Tamils from the ‘oppressive’ Sinhalese rule based on a “holy trinity”—Land (
Sri Lanka
), Race (Sinhalese) and Faith (Buddhism). It was believed that an independent Tamil state would fulfill the aspirations of Sri Lankan Tamils. Impatient Tamil youth have resorted to violent means to achieve Eelam since the late 1970s; the conflict between the Tamil militants and Sri Lankan Army has been continuing since then.
What will be the future of an independent Tamil state? Will Eelam be able to survive in the long run? What will be the problems faced by it?
· Firstly, the territorial contiguity of Eelam will pose severe problems. It constitutes as demanded by the Tigers, the northern and eastern provinces of
Sri Lanka
, which is roughly 40 percent of its land area and 60 per cent of the sea coast. The Muslims in the Amparai district have ruled out joining a separate Tamil state. Eelam has large Sinhalese majority areas. It is also doubtful whether over 40 per cent the Sri Lankan Tamils, settled in the south will migrate to the
Jaffna
peninsula. Even if they do, they will have to start life afresh, for which opportunities are very limited.
· Secondly, there is fear that Eelam will be ruled by the LTTE in a fascist and authoritarian manner. There are also possibilities of a civil war breaking out over power sharing, considering the bitter rivalries between various Tamil groups. Jaffna Tamils and Batticaloa Tamils differ in “social organisation, economic activity and cultural practices”. There are Hindus and Christians. There are serious caste cleavages. Though there have never been any clashes, relations between the upper caste Vellalas and lower caste Karaiyars and Mukkuvars have never been cordial.
· Thirdly, the economic viability of the future Eelam is not encouraging. The major area comprising the ‘Tamil homeland’ falls under the arid zone. It was for this reason that many Tamils moved south in the past. One can argue that the future
Tamil
State
could survive on funds that Tigers get from expatriates and through narcotic smuggling. Can the Tamil Eelam become another apex of the ‘Golden Triangle’?
· Fourthly, what will be the nature of relations between the Eelam and partitioned
Sri Lanka
? It is possible that the two entities will slip back over the, when the Tamil and the Sinhalese kingdoms were at war seeking supremacy over each other. Before the integration of the island by the British into a single administrative unit in 1833, no king was content to rule only a part of the island, as it was considered a single contiguous territory by both ethnic groups. In addition to this historical legacy, the deep-rooted Indo-phobia will in come to play. An independent Tamil state will be considered a satellite of
India
.
· Fifthly, international recognition is important for a modern state to survive in an increasingly interdependent world. The international community does not like any further proliferation of new states. The
US
was categorical when it asserted that Tamil Eelam would be a “dead planet” without any acknowledgement from the world community. Can a new state afford to take such a risk?
Appreciating these realities, it would be sagacious for the pro-Eelam proponents to accept greater autonomy with counter guarantees from the world community. Severe sanctions must be placed on the Sri Lankan State in case of any breach of promise on devolution to the Tamils. Had such international support been guaranteed in 1958 (Bandaranaike-Chelvanayagam Pact),
Sri Lanka
would not be facing the spectre of separatism. What is lacking is not the quantum of devolution or autonomy, but mutual trust.
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