Home Contact Us
Search :
IPCS: Research Institutes in India
   

Sri Lanka - Articles

Print Bookmark Email FacebookFacebook
#1045, 27 May 2003
 
Sri Lankan Peace Talks – IX: Deadlock over Dead Claims and Locked Commitments
N Manoharan
Research Officer, IPCS
 

There was war. With the change of government in December 2001, there was a ceasefire, and the hope for peace. Consequently, with Norwegian mediation and sustained international pressure, there were peace talks. Six rounds were held till March 2003; but, talks have been suspended since 21 April. Though the ceasefire is on hold, uncertainty about it is conspicuous. There is a danger of events doing a full circle – a devastating war again. The present impasse revolves around three major issues:

High Security Zones

The LTTE demand for winding down high security zones from the Jaffna peninsula to “facilitate resettlement and rehabilitation” of IDPs. However, the Sri Lankan security forces have opposed such move as being “risky”. This demand by the Tigers is not out of humanitarian concerns, but to tilt the military balance in their favour in case peace talks break down. Thus, dismantling HSZs implies loosing the peninsula to the Tigers “by other means”. Lt. Gen. Satish Nambiar, appointed to look into the issue, has in his 8-page report, linked a phased winding down of HSZs to some confidence building measures, which includes the reciprocal placing of long-range weaponry under international monitoring by both sides, use of A-9 highway without mutual checks, placing small teams at designated places on both sides and training exercises with reciprocal advance notification. This compromise formula has been rejected by the LTTE in toto.

Implementation of rehabilitation and development programmes

According to the LTTE, over 15 development projects for the Northeast agreed to in various rounds of peace talks remain unimplemented, due to the “corrupt ministries” based in Colombo. Hence, a body is necessary that could speed-up rehabilitation and development. The government argues that it is not implementation, but the huge funds required for these cost-intense projects that is responsible for their dilatory progress. The funds pledged by the donor community are yet to arrive. More amounts would be available after the meeting of donor countries in Tokyo in June for which the LTTE’s participation is imperative. The donor community is insistent on only releasing funds in proportionate to progress in the peace talks. Hence, it is in the LTTE’s hands to get the funds by rejoining the process.

Sea Lanes

The LTTE wants its navy, “Sea Tigers”, to be recognised on par with the Sri Lankan Navy, and some part of the territorial waters in the northeast to be its exclusive preserve. This demand came after two incidents of “arms smuggling” by the LTTE were interdicted with casualties being incurred. Keeping the Sri Lankan Navy far from its supply routes is vital for the Tigers to augment its resources for a future war. But this solution would be suicidal for the government. The matter was referred to SLMM at the fifth round of talks, but due to the irreconcilability of both positions, the issue is now being studied by a former Indian Vice Admiral, P.J. Jacob to discover an amicable solution. This “involvement of Indian Generals and Admirals in the internal affairs of Sri Lanka” has irked the LTTE, which is Indophobic.

All the above demands of the LTTE have now been encapsulated into a single demandâ€â€setting up of an Interim Administration (IA) in the Northeastern Province which would be (a) fully autonomous, (b) completely controlled by the LTTE and (c) entirely outside the present Constitution of Sri Lanka. All these should be assured in writing for them to take part in any peace process. From the LTTE’s view point, the UNP, during its election campaign itself, had agreed to form this Interim administration in the Northeast if voted to power. But no steps were taken on that front. The issue was raised by the Tigers in the very first round of peace talks in September 2002, but due to its controversial nature, was deferred till some CBMs were put in place. However, the government tried to dilute this issue by setting up an “emaciated body” like the Sub-committee on Immediate Humanitarian and Rehabilitation Needs (SHIRN), which has achieved nothing so far.

Now the government is caught between the obdurate Tigers and aggressive Opposition, including the President. The LTTE is waiting for an opportunity to resume war, for which it is prepared, without gaining the wrath of the international community; the Opposition is all set to unseat the government on the pretext of “securing the national interests and sovereignty”. The only escape route available for the government is to appeal to the international community to rein in the Tigers. International pressure is the only hope.

 
Article by same Author
IPCS Debate: The UNHRC Resolution on Sri Lanka

Devolution in Sri Lanka: The Latest Take

Taming the Tigers: Reintegration of Surrendered LTTE Cadres

Fishing in Troubled Waters: Indian Fishermen and India-Sri Lanka Relations

Alternative Strategies for Indo-Sri Lankan Relations: Passenger Ferry Service

Sri Lanka: UN Panel and Sovereignty Issues

Sri Lanka: One Year after the War, Where is Ethnic Reconciliation?

Sri Lanka: Why Sustain the State of Exception?

Upcoming Parliamentary Elections and the Future of Sri Lanka

Challenges Before the President

Ghosts of War Haunt Sri Lanka

Sri Lanka: Clash of War Heroes

Cross-border Nationalism

Where is the Northern Spring in Sri Lanka?

Will the LTTE Rise Again?

Post-LTTE Sri Lanka: Demilitarization as a First Step towards Peace

Post-LTTE: India’s Policy Options on Sri Lanka’s Ethnic Issue

Sri Lanka: Cease the Fire and Catch the Peace

Sri Lanka in 2008: A Tale of Two Fires

The LTTE: 'Determined to Fight, but Ready for Peace'

Eelam War IV: Military Strategies of the LTTE

Eelam War IV: Strategy of the Government of Sri Lanka

Fishing in Troubled Waters: Tamil Nadu Fishermen and India-Sri Lanka Relations

Eastern Provincial Council Elections: A First Step Towards Final Settlement?

Local Polls in Batticaloa: How Significant?

ADD TO:
Blink
Del.icio.us
Digg
Furl
Google
Simpy
Spurl
Y! MyWeb
FacebookFacebook
 
Print Bookmark Email
 
 

The Institute of Peace and Conflict Studies (IPCS) is the premier South Asian think tank which conducts independent research on and provides an in depth analysis of conventional and non-conventional issues related to national and South Asian security including nuclear issues, disarmament, non-proliferation, weapons of mass destruction, the war on terrorism, counter terrorism , strategies security sector reforms, and armed conflict and peace processes in the region.

For those in South Asia and elsewhere, the IPCS website provides a comprehensive analysis of the happenings within India with a special focus on Jammu and Kashmir and Naxalite Violence. Our research promotes greater understanding of India's foreign policy especially India-China relations, India's relations with SAARC countries and South East Asia.

Through close interaction with leading strategic thinkers, former members of the Indian Administrative Service, the Foreign Service and the three wings of the Armed Forces - the Indian Army, Indian Navy, and Indian Air Force, - the academic community as well as the media, the IPCS has contributed considerably to the strategic discourse in India.

 
Subscribe to Newswire | Site Map
B 7/3 Lower Ground Floor, Safdarjung Enclave, New Delhi 110029, INDIA.
Tel: 91-11-4100 1900, 4165 2556, 4165 2557, 4165 2558, 4165 2559 Fax: (91-11) 41652560
Email:
© Copyright 2012, Institute of Peace and Conflict Studies.
        Web Design India Internet