Pakistan - Articles

   Last week (14-21 July 2002), two significant things happened inside Pakistan. Both, if carried out, will have serious implications for the social and political security of Pakistan. One was the introduction of the second constitutional package, and the other was the open threat from Omar Sheikh, the main accused in the murder trial of Daniel Pearl.

   The National Reconstruction Bureau (NRB) introduced the second constitutional package on 14 July 2002, which further enhances the powers of the President. The package proposes to empower the President to appoint the Chiefs and the Vice-Chiefs of the Armed Forces, Chief Election Commissioner and the Auditor General, and in doing so, there is no need for him to even consult the people’s representative. The Prime Minster’s “views”, can be ascertained, only in appointing the Chief Election Commissioner.

   The result of these proposals would be as follows: The Prime Minister will be chosen and dismissed by the President (not by the Parliament); dismissal on bogus grounds such as on charges of corruption, national security and bad governance; the PM has to consult the National Security Council (NSC) (with fifty percentage representation from the military) for all matters related to country’s security (it is NSC’s prerogative to decide what constitutes ‘security’); the PM cannot recommend to the President to dissolve the National Assembly, nor can he appoint important officials. And this Prime Minister would be the highest representative of the people of Pakistan!

   If these are to be the powers and functions of the Prime Minster, then why have such a post? Pakistan’s democracy would then become unique as it would be only parliamentary democracy in the world where the Prime Minister is the symbolic head!

   But the military regime is clear in its objectives. For internal and external reasons, they need a PM and a bogus democracy. The Supreme Court has given its verdict in 1999 that Musharraf should hold elections in three years. Given recent judgments from the judiciary, it would not be difficult for the military to get an extension. However, the military regime is interested in projecting a democratic face to gain legitimacy. Internally, the regime is aware that it may not be able to ameliorate the condition of its people and understands that they cannot extend their rule forever without losing people’s confidence. It is imperative for the military regime to have an institution that could be blamed for the ills of the country. The parliament, without any real powers, is the ideal candidate. Externally, elections and a PM would pacify the international community (read as US), and facilitate their continued interaction with a military ruler.

   The second important event during the last week was the threat from Omar Sheik, the prime accused in the murder trial of Daniel Pearl, the Wall Street Journal reporter. When the Anti-Terrorism Court in Hyderabad announced its death sentence to Omar and life sentences to the others accused, Omar openly challenged the world to watch who would die first – himself or those who sentenced him.

   Earlier, before the sentence was announced, the situation around the Court was charged. Elaborate arrangements were undertaken to ensure security. All roads towards the jail remained closed and heavily guarded. The Advocate General of Sindh was flown in and out in a separate helicopter. Even those passing the area were frisked. The exhaustive security preparations are pointers to the magnitude of threat Pakistan faces from jihadi groups.

   The threat from Omar Sheikh is not an empty one, given the power and the reach of these jihadi organizations. Recent suicide attacks inside Pakistan and the clout enjoyed by these organizations among the lower and middle class of the society needs to be taken seriously. When the interior ministry released a list of “dangerous religious terrorists” photographs, including that of Osama bin Laden, the same was reprinted by the Ummat Muslimah (Muslim Nation) calling the faithful to offer prayers for these Mujahideen. The support base of these jihadi organizations is fast expanding, thanks to the social and economic backwardness of the majority of the population and the increasing sectarian violence.

   In the northern tribal areas where most of the Taliban and al-Qaeda fighters are believed to be hiding, the security forces of Pakistan and US are finding it increasingly difficult to search the premises. In June, in Waziristan, a fight with al-Qaeda fighters resulted in the death of ten military personnel. The local elders, who were these fighters refuge, are against these operations. It is widely believed that the US is following the same course that it undertook in Afghanistan to win the local support – fighting the al-Qaeda with US dollars; many of the nazims and locals have been bribed massively.

   Internal peace would become a dream, if these jihadi organizations are not brought under control.