Home Contact Us
Search :
IPCS: Research Institutes in India
   

Nuclear - Articles

Print Bookmark Email FacebookFacebook
#799, 15 July 2002
 
An Inquiry into Limited War– I The Theory
D Suba Chandran
Research Officer, IPCS
 

The theory of limited war was advocated in the 1950s, interestingly from two different perspectives. The first was based on Cold War strategy and advocated limited war to enhance national security, while the second was based on humanitarian principles that focused on limiting the nature of war to protect the civilian population. The former was advocated by Henry Kissinger (Nuclear Weapons and Foreign Policy New York: Harper, 1957) and Robert Osgood (Limited War: The Challenge to American Strategy Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1957) while the latter was advocated by international organizations like the International Committee for Red Cross (ICRC) (Draft Rules for the Limitation of the Dangers incurred by the Civilian Population in Time of War, 1956) 

 

 

At present that there is no systematic theory on limited war, as it was advocated by different people employing different strategies to achieve different goals. The following highlights some important aspects of limited war.

 

 

Limited War as a National Strategy to Enhance Security Interests

 

 

Limited War was advocated as a policy option to secure the national interests of the United States , as the security experts in the US during the 1950s realized that both the US and the former Soviet Union had nuclear weapons and the technology to totally destroy each other if an unlimited war option was pursued. Thus the Limited War theory is premised on the presence/possession of weapons and technology capable of causing equal damage to both the adversaries. In other words, limited wars can only be fought between two equal adversaries in terms of military power, which should not only be of equal size, but should also be capable of causing unacceptable damage to each other. This view postulates the possession of weapons of mass destruction by both adversaries as a pre-condition to keep the war limited. Advocacy of Limited War as an option to secure the national interests of the US arose in the mid 1950s, after the former Soviet Union acquired nuclear parity with the US .

 

 

Secondly, the limited war theory originated as an ancillary to ‘local defence’ by the ‘free world’ against the Soviet Union . During the Cold War, the US felt that the former Soviet Union may either directly or through its ‘satellite’ states initiate a local war with the ‘free world’. To protect the states of the ‘free world’, ‘local defence,’ which could be either defensive or offensive, was essential. 

 

 

Thirdly, the theory originated in the US as a measure of self-defence against its involvement into an all-out war that would be suicidal. The consolidation of the Cold War and the famous ‘massive retaliation’ concept propounded by John Foster Dulles in January 1954 did create a fear that an all-out war with the Soviet Union would be suicidal. Robert Osgood and Henry Kissinger, both advocated limited war as an option instead of total war, which would cause unacceptable damage to the US .

 

 

Fourthly, limited war was propounded not as a military option, but as a political option. If Clausewitz (On War) believed war to be “nothing but a continuation of political intercourse”, then limited war could be defined as nothing but a continuation of limited political discourse. Advocates of this view like Thomas Schelling (“Bargaining, Communication and Limited War,” Journal of Conflict Resolution, March 1957) considered limited war as a process of bargaining, while escalating the war deliberately to a certain extent.

 

 

Limited War as a humanitarian strategy to limit the dangers to the civilian population

 

 

During the same period, when limited war was being advocated as a strategy to achieve security objectives, the humanitarian school was also arguing for the need to limit wars. This school was not advocating limited war but wanted to limit the war, since they were realistic enough to understand that wars are not totally avoidable. The ICRC, in its Draft Rules for the Limitation of the Dangers incurred by the Civilian Population in Time of War, 1956 advocated military operations to be limited only to ‘military resources, and leave the civilian population outside the sphere of armed attacks’. (Article 1) Thus the humanitarian school advocated that war should be limited only to a geographical area of military significance.

 

 

Secondly, the humanitarian school also urged that the weapons used in the war should be limited. Article 9 of these ICRC Draft Rules states “all possible precautions shall be taken, both in the choice of the weapons and methods to be used, and in the carrying out of an attack, to ensure that no losses or damage are caused to the civilian population in the vicinity of the objective, or to its dwellings, or that such losses or damage are at least reduced to a minimum.” 

 

 

 

 

 

 
Article by same Author
Reading Pakistan: Reopening the NATO Supply Line

Reading Pakistan: How does Pakistan see the War on Terrorism?

Reading Pakistan: Stand-Off on NATO Supply Line

‘Balochistan’ as a Strategic Issue vs the ‘Baloch’ as a Political Problem

Indo-Pak Nuclear CBMs: The Road to Nowhere

Af-Pak Diary: The Taliban Apologists, Opportunists and Opponents

A 'Delhi Discourse' with Central Asia: Reviving Linkages

Reading Pakistan: A New Taliban Shura

Af-Pak Diary: Exporting Sectarianism?

Reading Pakistan: What will follow the NATO Strikes?

Af-Pak Diary: Civil War and Instability as an Option in Afghanistan

Reading Pakistan: What if US-Pak Ties Break?

Reading Pakistan: Why is the Haqqani Network so Important?

Af-Pak Diary: From Ahmad Shah Massoud to Rabbani

Ten Years After: ‘Terror Franchisees’ as an Evolving Phenomenon

Ten Years After: Al Qaeda’s Game Plan

Af-Pak Diary: Will Mullah Omar Negotiate? What is Taliban's End Game?

Af-Pak Diary: Should India Adapt to the Game, or Attempt to Change It?

Reading Pakistan-IV: A War within Pakistan’s Security Establishment?

Reading Pakistan-III: Is Pakistan Jihad’s Lebensraum?

After Osama - VI: What will be the al Qaeda’s Game Plan?

After Osama - V: End the War on Terror?

Maulana Showkat Shah: One More Dead; How Many More To Go?

Reading Pakistan-III: Is Military the Only Glue?

Alternative Strategies for J&K: Before Next Summer

ADD TO:
Blink
Del.icio.us
Digg
Furl
Google
Simpy
Spurl
Y! MyWeb
FacebookFacebook
 
Print Bookmark Email
 
 

The Institute of Peace and Conflict Studies (IPCS) is the premier South Asian think tank which conducts independent research on and provides an in depth analysis of conventional and non-conventional issues related to national and South Asian security including nuclear issues, disarmament, non-proliferation, weapons of mass destruction, the war on terrorism, counter terrorism , strategies security sector reforms, and armed conflict and peace processes in the region.

For those in South Asia and elsewhere, the IPCS website provides a comprehensive analysis of the happenings within India with a special focus on Jammu and Kashmir and Naxalite Violence. Our research promotes greater understanding of India's foreign policy especially India-China relations, India's relations with SAARC countries and South East Asia.

Through close interaction with leading strategic thinkers, former members of the Indian Administrative Service, the Foreign Service and the three wings of the Armed Forces - the Indian Army, Indian Navy, and Indian Air Force, - the academic community as well as the media, the IPCS has contributed considerably to the strategic discourse in India.

 
Subscribe to Newswire | Site Map
B 7/3 Lower Ground Floor, Safdarjung Enclave, New Delhi 110029, INDIA.
Tel: 91-11-4100 1900, 4165 2556, 4165 2557, 4165 2558, 4165 2559 Fax: (91-11) 41652560
Email:
© Copyright 2012, Institute of Peace and Conflict Studies.
        Web Design India Internet