Home Contact Us  

Nepal - Articles

Print Bookmark Email Facebook Subscribe
#4217, 13 December 2013

Nepal Elections 2013

Five Things that Went Wrong
Sisir Devkota
Research Intern, IPCS
Email: sisirdevkota@gmail.com

The CA-II election in Nepal was held successfully, gathering many accolades within the country and among the international community as well. The Election Commission of Nepal and civil society, with the exception of losing parties like Maoists, hailed the free and fair conduct of polls. However, a critical analysis of the recently held elections will also provide if not many then at least five things that went wrong. Among the successes of the second round of the CA polls, there are equally potent political problems that Nepal could face in the near future.

The first thing that went wrong was before the election even took place. The boycotting of the election by Mohan Baidya-led 33 party alliance signalled that the elections would not comprise of all the major political parties. Now, when the elections have already taken place and the Unified Communist Party of Nepal-Maoists (UCPN-M) has comprehensively lost the seats in the parliament, the defiance of the 33 party alliance marks the epicentre of the foremost thing that went wrong. Had the 33 party alliance led by Baidya participated in the election, UCPN-M would not have been able to attempt political bargaining to disrupt the constitution process by alleging unfair voting process in several districts. If the constitution is not formed within the given time frame and if the UCPN-M plays an obstructing role, it will solely be the fault of the administration for not being able to persuade the 33 party alliance to contest the election.

Second is the below par election performance of the UCPN-M. The party which had undertaken the agenda of the ‘people’s war’ lost. While it might be that the people’s verdict changed and that they no longer had any confidence in the party, it also meant that the party failed to fulfil their cause of the people’s war where thousands of Nepali people sacrificed their lives. Though a sceptic might argue that the voter turnout was nearly 80 percent this year, it is also a fact that there were five million less registered voters than the 2008 CA elections. The enthusiasm among the citizens of Nepal might have been visibly higher in the voting but the less number of voters also signified their lack of confidence in the concept of voting for a second time and giving the same leaders another chance. This means there are sections of people who are still dissatisfied, and those who have sympathy for Baidya’s cry have arguable chances of fuelling another rebellion.

Though the Nepali Congress (NC) and Communist Party of Nepal Unified Marxist Leninist (CPN-UML) gained more votes than their counterpart, UCPN-M, none of them achieved a clear majority. This signifies another problematic political course for Nepal in the coming future. This could also mean that Nepal will go through frequent leadership changes as in the pas,t with frequent shuffling of Prime Ministers. Among other deeply rooted political deadlocks, only if one of the parties had achieved an outstanding majority, there would have been less chances of diffusive leadership.

The fourth thing that went wrong was that the people of Nepal were divided on the future of their nation, as NC and CPN-UML who has different constitutional agendas, received nearly equal amount of votes. This is also the case with NC and CPN-UML. This suggests that questions of federalism will resurface and bother the political process again. Nepalis, after having experienced similar setbacks before, repeated their confused verdict which might have been because of their assertiveness to not let the hardliners win the election. People might have voted for the top two parties to defeat the UCPN-M and not because they believed in their political action.

Lastly, there was a historic participation of women as candidates in the election but very few of them were elected. The number is even lower when compared to the previous CA election. There were more parties contesting, nearly 122, which is a double of the previous round of elections. Very few of them won even a single seat. This shows the unmatched enthusiasm of the people for an acceptable political outcome. The electoral loss of major political leaders in the election also showed the fragmenting support of the citizens. While such competition might be healthy in a democracy it will certainly lead to disputes in leadership as well.

Political parties will have to be wary to not repeat their previous mistakes and continuously assess past failures to let the constitution-making process proceed smoothly.

Print Bookmark Email Facebook Subscribe
IPCS Columnists
Af-Pak Diary
D Suba Chandran
Resetting Kabul-Islamabad Relations: Three Key Issues
Can Pakistan Reset its Relations with Afghanistan?
The New Afghanistan: Four Major Challenges for President Ghani
Big Picture
Prof Varun Sahni
Understanding Democracy and Diversity in J&K
When Xi Met Modi: Juxtaposing China and India
Pakistan?s Tactical Nuclear Weapons: The Inevitability of Instability

Dateline Colombo

Asanga Abeyagoonasekera.
Sri Lanka: Moving Towards a Higher Collective Outcome
The Importance of Electing the Best to our Nation's Parliament
Sri Lanka: Toward a Diaspora Re-Engagement Plan
Dateline Islamabad
Salma Malik
Pakistan's Hurt Locker: What Next?
IPCS Forecast: Pakistan in 2015
India-Pakistan Relations in 2015: Through a Looking Glass
Dhaka Discourse
Prof Delwar Hossain
IPCS Forecast: Bangladesh in 2015
18th SAARC Summit: A Perspective from Bangladesh
Bangladesh in Global Forums: Diplomacy vs. Domestic Politics
Eagle Eye
Prof Chintamani Mahapatra
India-US: Significance of the Second Modi-Obama Meet
Has President Obama Turned Lame Duck?
Modi-Obama Summit: Criticism for Criticism?s Sake?

East Asia Compass
Dr Sandip Mishra
India-Japan-US Trilateral: India?s Policy for the Indo-Pacific
China-South Korea Ties: Implications for the US Pivot to Asia
Many ?Pivots to Asia?: What Does It Mean For Regional Stability?
Himalayan Frontier
Pramod Jaiswal
Nepal?s New Constitution: Instrument towards Peace or Catalyst to Conflict?
IPCS Forecast: Nepal in 2015
Constitution-making: Will Nepal Miss its Second Deadline?

Prof Shankari Sundararaman
IPCS Forecast: Southeast Asia in 2015
Indonesia's Pacific Identity: What Jakarta Must Do in West Papua
Modi in Myanmar: From ?Look East? to ?Act East?
Sushant Sareen
IPCS Forecast: Pakistan in 2015
Islamic State: Prospects in Pakistan
Pakistan: The Futility of Internationalising Kashmir

Looking East
Wasbir Hussain
Myanmar in New Delhi's Naga Riddle
China: ?Peaceful? Display of Military Might
Naga Peace Accord: Need to Reserve Euphoria
Maritime Matters
Vijay Sakhuja
Indian Ocean: Modi on a Maritime Pilgrimage
Indian Ocean: Exploring Maritime Domain Awareness
IPCS Forecast: The Indian Ocean in 2015

Nuke Street
Amb Sheelkant Sharma
US-Russia and Global Nuclear Security: Under a Frosty Spell?
India's Nuclear Capable Cruise Missile: The Nirbhay Test
India-Australia Nuclear Agreement: Bespeaking of a New Age
Red Affairs
Bibhu Prasad
Countering Left Wing Extremism: Failures within Successes
Return of the Native: CPI-Maoist in Kerala
The Rising Civilian Costs of the State-Vs-Extremists Conflict

Regional Economy
Amita Batra
India and the APEC
IPCS Forecast: South Asian Regional Integration
South Asia: Rupee Regionalisation and Intra-regional Trade Enhancement
South Asian Dialectic
PR Chari
Resuming the Indo-Pak Dialogue: Evolving a New Focus
Defence Management in India: An Agenda for Parrikar
Pakistani Taliban and Al Qaeda in Afghanistan: Implications for Asian Security

Spotlight West Asia
Amb Ranjit Gupta
Prime Minister Modi Finally Begins His Interaction with West Asia*
A Potential Indian Role in West Asia?
US-GCC Summit: More Hype than Substance
Strategic Space
Manpreet Sethi
India-Russia Nuclear Vision Statement: See that it Delivers
Global Nuclear Disarmament: The Humanitarian Consequences Route
Nasr: Dangers of Pakistan's Short Range Ballistic Missile

The Strategist
Vice Admiral Vijay Shankar
Jihadi Aggression and Nuclear Deterrence
The Blight of Ambiguity
Falun Gong: The Fear Within

OTHER REGULAR contributors
Gurmeet Kanwal
Harun ur Rashid
N Manoharan
Wasbir Hussain
Rana Banerji
N Manoharan

Ruhee Neog
Teshu Singh
Aparupa Bhattacherjee
Roomana Hukil
Aparupa Bhattacherjee

Related Articles
Uddhab Pyakurel,
"Nepal 2013: Constituent Assembly Elections," 10 January 2014
Pramod Jaiswal,
"The Fall of Maoists," 26 November 2013
Pramod Jaiswal,
"Forecasting the Power Composition," 19 November 2013
Sohan Prasad Sha,
"Deconstructing Madhesi Politics," 19 November 2013
Sisir Devkota,
"Is there Hope for Madhes?," 11 November 2013
Sisir Devkota,
"Misjudged Challenges Ahead," 31 October 2013

Browse by Publications

Issue Briefs 
Special Reports 
Research Papers 
Seminar Reports 
Conference Reports 

Browse by Region/Countries

East Asia 
South Asia 
Southeast Asia 
US & South Asia 

Browse by Issues

India & the world  
Naxalite Violence 
Suicide Terrorism 
Peace & Conflict Database 
Article by same Author
Nepal Elections 2013: Return of NC and UML, and the Fall of Maoists and Madhes Parties

The Fall of Maoists

Sri Lanka & Maldives: Internal Politics, External Relations & India’s Interests

Is there Hope for Madhes?

Misjudged Challenges Ahead

Y! MyWeb
Print Bookmark Email Facebook Subscribe
Year 2018
 January  February  March
 2017  2016  2015  2014  2013  2012  2011  2010
 2009  2008  2007  2006  2005  2004  2003  2002
 2001  2000  1999  1998  1997

The Institute of Peace and Conflict Studies (IPCS) is the premier South Asian think tank which conducts independent research on and provides an in depth analysis of conventional and non-conventional issues related to national and South Asian security including nuclear issues, disarmament, non-proliferation, weapons of mass destruction, the war on terrorism, counter terrorism , strategies security sector reforms, and armed conflict and peace processes in the region.

For those in South Asia and elsewhere, the IPCS website provides a comprehensive analysis of the happenings within India with a special focus on Jammu and Kashmir and Naxalite Violence. Our research promotes greater understanding of India's foreign policy especially India-China relations, India's relations with SAARC countries and South East Asia.

Through close interaction with leading strategic thinkers, former members of the Indian Administrative Service, the Foreign Service and the three wings of the Armed Forces - the Indian Army, Indian Navy, and Indian Air Force, - the academic community as well as the media, the IPCS has contributed considerably to the strategic discourse in India.

Subscribe to Newswire | Site Map
18, Link Road, Jungpura Extension, New Delhi 110014, INDIA.

Tel: 91-11-4100-1902    Email: officemail@ipcs.org

© Copyright 2018, Institute of Peace and Conflict Studies.