Wajahat Habibullah, “The Political Economy of the Kashmir Conflict:
Opportunities for Economic Peace Building and for US Policy,” USIP Special
Report 121, June 2004.
The
report falls into five headings – a short history of the Kashmir conflict,
Kashmir as an obstacle in Indo-Pak relations, economic dimensions of the Kashmir
conflict, economic opportunities for peace building in Kashmir, role of regional
development and international financial institutions and, finally, a role for
the United States.
In
the first part, he tracks those causes that gave birth for violence in the
1990s. He needs to be congratulated for tracing these reasons objectively:
Throughout the 1980s, as the Kashmiri people suffered from a stagnant economy
and high unemployment, their government was scarred by corruption, riddled with
nepotism and prone to blunders. After a series of missteps by the state and
central leadership culminated in what appeared to be a rigged election, the
Kashmiris’ anger boiled over. Violence increasingly marked the expression of
their political demands. Finally in 1990, a revolt broke out.
In
tracking the causes of ‘revolt’, the absence of Pakistan as a factor is
noteworthy. Was the political unrest that India witnessed towards the end of
1980s due to our inefficiency, poor administration and bad governance? Or was it
due to Pakistan’s decision to initiate an insurgency? Many in India believe
Pakistan as the main factor for the growth of insurgency and terrorism in Jammu
and Kashmir. This conviction has made us err in Kashmir on two fronts. First, we
think that the problem in Jammu and Kashmir is one of terrorism aided by
Pakistan; once the latter stops cross border terrorism, Kashmir will return to
normalcy. Second, we ignore the reality that there are serious issues between
Kashmir and rest of India in providing better governance, improving centre-state
relations and devolving adequate autonomy to J&K. Even if the first issue is
resolved, the second will continue. On the other hand, if India could address
the second issue, the first would automatically disappear. Jammu and Kashmir is
not a problem of terrorism, but of failure in governance.
Is
Habibullah right in calling what happened in 1990 a ‘revolt?’ If it was indeed a
revolt, was it political or military or both? The 1987 elections (Habibullah
need not be apologetic) did not “appear to be rigged,” but were in fact rigged.
Accepting this lacuna would reflect our maturity as a nation. The Valley boiled
over and the JKLF only encashed the popular sentiments. No doubt, it was a
political revolt, but it was soon hijacked by militant elements, initially led
by the JKLF and, later, by the Hizbul Mujahideen. While India responded by
deploying security forces, it failed to address the ‘political’ aspects. Once
the ‘political’ aspect is addressed the ‘militant’ would have no space.
Ironically,
we failed to learn from what happened in Kashmir in the late 1980s and history
is being repeated in Manipur today. There is a serious political revolt in
Manipur, by the Manipuris representing various sections and the underground
movement is attempting to hijack this political movement. Would better sense
prevail to address the ‘political’ aspects in Manipur, so as to undermine the
‘militant’?
It
is ironic that the Kashmiris who revolted in 1990 were also the first to
denounce terrorism. Understanding the sentiments of the people and the real
intentions of Pakistan, the JKLF came over ground. What happened after,
Habibullah writes: The insurgency quickly dissipated into a struggle for
domination among different insurgent groups, and what had begun as an ethnic
conflict was given a religious colour by the ISI which promoted religiously
oriented outfits.
The
formation of the Hurriyat was a clear indication of the failure of militant
groups and Pakistan to browbeat India by inciting an insurgency in Jammu and
Kashmir. Clearly, by 1993, as Habibullah has noted, the revolt started
‘flagging’. Which is why the rebel groups proceeded with the encouragement of
Pakistan’s ISI, to bring in terrorists which had been engaged in Afghanistan to
bolster the cause.
It
was unfortunate that India then and even now failed to exploit this political
space. The state refused to speak to the separatists. The results are clear.
Habibullah states: (the) grievances (of people of Kashmir) continued to
fester. The attitudes of the local population towards the imported terrorists
(nicknamed “guest militants”) varied from resignation to tacit support to
outright support. The human rights abuses committed by the Indian security
forces sent to suppress the insurgency only increased local sympathy for the
infiltrators. What had begun as a revolt increasingly lost that character,
metamorphosing into a low-intensity war between India and Pakistan. And the
Kashmiris found themselves alienated from the Indian state.