India-Japan-US Security Cooperation
Jabin T Jacob
National Chengchi University, Taipei, Taiwan
Ties
with China may be of the greatest significance to India in East Asia, but to
hold Indian relationships with other countries in the region, as captive moons
in orbit around the Sino-Indian pivot, is foolishness. A recent opinion piece in
The Hindu, "Perils of three-way security cooperation" (14 February 2006),
appeared to call for a go slow in the increasing movement toward an
India-Japan-US security triangle. Certainly, caution is imperative where
strategic matters are concerned. But the possibilities here are not limited only
to the strategic front. For those who can think big, India is being offered the
chance to apply bold brush strokes on a larger canvas.
Japanese
politics is in flux and at a crucial juncture in its history. Unlike the insular
and chauvinistic underpinnings of its rise in the pre-World War II era, Japan
today is attempting to rise as a democratic nation and in the company of other
like-minded nations. If India can be a part of that process, it must not
hesitate. In January, appearing on public broadcaster NHK, Shinzo
Abe, chief cabinet secretary to Junichiro Koizumi and widely tipped to be his
successor, called for Japan to boost its ties with India. In particular, he
stressed, that India had "common values with Japan such as freedom, democracy,
basic human rights and rule of law." He also admitted that relations had
"been relatively weak though [India] is a country very friendly to Japan,"
and stressed the need for strengthening ties and developing strategic relations.
Certainly
history, its current interpretations, and territorial disputes in East Asia are
potential minefields, around which India will need to move with care and tact,
but to expect, as the article in The Hindu does, that India worry about Chinese
and South Korean misgivings over the direction of Japanese foreign policy, is to
unnecessarily constrain India's field of action. After all, Japan is not alone
in the region, in distorting history and to argue about degrees of guilt is to
obfuscate the issue. Nor should Japan's territorial disputes with China and
position on Taiwan, enter into the Indo-Japanese equation, just as Indian
protestations do not affect the "all-weather" friendship between China and
Pakistan.
Moreover,
if Sino-Japanese trade continues to increase in importance to both
countries despite their frequent political disagreements, India should
not be diffident about embracing bolder political and strategic
relationships with China's neighbours. With each of the three Japanese
service chiefs visiting India from February to April, and visits by the
Indian Defence Minister and later the Prime Minister to Japan all
expected in the first half of the year, India needs to do its homework
and take advantage of the increasing Japanese interest in India.
Japan's
foreign environment being what it is, the US will continue to figure prominently
in the scheme of things for some time to come but a trilateral framework for
dialogue and security cooperation involving Japan and the US need not be seen as
"ganging up" against China. It also needs to be underscored here that the
Japanese are not necessarily happy about their continued dependence on the US.
Partnership with India in this context, allows Japan the chance to be seen,
domestically, as an equal player rather than as a "junior" partner. India would
in return be earning considerable goodwill from the Japanese.
By
exhibiting "little enthusiasm" for the trilateral relationship, India is
foregoing the chance to act out of the box. If India needs to be "wary" at all,
in this matter, it betrays a lack of confidence in its engagement with China or
doubts about its ability to hold its own in the three-way relationship. India
is, after all, not drawing up a secret alliance against China and governments
are not conned into pacts that go against their own national interests. Whatever
the American intentions, it must be understood that it remains a necessary
catalyst in enhancing India's profile in East Asia. If anything, with Japan for
company, India stands a greater chance of not being railroaded into the China
"containment" fallacy. For despite its own concerns over Chinese long-term
intentions and rising Japanese nationalism, Japan is less likely than the US, to
rush to hasty judgments on China. Cooperation with Japan also makes available to
India, the tremendous Japanese expertise on China. Further, when Indo-US
relations come under stress, as they inevitably will in the future, the
trilateral forum might provide the opportunity to touch base again.
India
will find that a closer and active engagement with the rest of East Asia will
begin to yield results on the China front as well. It also does not take a
genius to figure out that the India-Japan-US relationship is a far more
promising triangle than the India-China-Russia chimera, espoused some years ago.