Sino-Pakistan Maritime Initiatives
Vijay Sakhuja
Maritime Security Analyst
In yet another move to consolidate their “all weather friendship”, President Pervez Musharraf and the visiting Chinese Vice-Premier Wu Bangguo laid the foundation stone of a deep-sea port at Gwadar on March 22, 2002. The first phase of the project would be completed in three years at a cost of US $248 million of which US $198 million would be contributed by
China
. This involves construction of three berths of 200 meters each with 300 meters back-up area. On completion of the second phase, the port would be able to accept dry cargo vessels of 100,000 dead-weight tonnage and oil tankers of 200,000 dead-weight tonnage. Gwadar would eventually relieve the congestion at
Karachi
and provide facilities for seaborne trade and transshipment of cargo, including gas from/to Central Asian states, Xinjiang in
China
,
Afghanistan
and northwest
India
.
In the past, several countries had shown interest in the development of Gwadar port. Initially, the Shah of Iran agreed to fund the development of the port since it was close to
Iran
and would provide a base for the Iranian navy to control the entrance to the Gulf. Both
Iran
and
Pakistan
were members of CENTO at that time. But Iranian interest in Gwadar ceased when the Shah regime ended.
In 1995, the Nawaz Sharif government cancelled the contract of an Omani firm (recruited by the Benazir Government) to develop the port. Later, the US-based Forbes and Company emerged on the scene and was entrusted with constructing and operating the port. Reportedly, the post-Chagai economic sanctions took their toll on any
US
involvement in the construction. Gen Musharraf, during his visit to
China
, is reported to have sought its assistance in constructing Gwadar port. In June 2001, a Chinese delegation, led by the Communications Minister Huang Zhendong, visited Baluchistan to prepare a feasibility study of the Gwadar port and the coastal highway projects.
If one proceeds from east to west along the Makaran coast, there are at least six ports: Port Qasim,
Karachi
, Ormara, Pasni, Jiwani and Gwadar. At least three are capable of berthing ocean-going vessels. The Jinnah naval base at Ormara, commissioned in June 2000, has helped to shift emphasis from the single port in
Karachi
. Built at a cost of PAK Rs. 4.5 billion, the base can berth at least a dozen ships/submarines and smaller harbor craft. The fairway channel is about two nautical miles long and has been dredged to about 10 meters.
In military strategic terms, Gwadar is being developed by
Pakistan
and
China
to monitor the sea-lanes from the
Persian Gulf
. Gwadar is of strategic importance for
China
lying astride the sea-lane originating from the strategic choke point of Hormuz. In 1994,
China
became a net importer of oil and about sixty per cent of its energy requirements come from the
Persian Gulf
and transit along this sea-lane. The Chinese have been quick to deny that the joint project at Gwadar has any military dimensions. The Chinese foreign ministry spokesman Sun Yuxi has noted that Gwadar is a civil port and there is no (Chinese) naval involvement.
It is fair to argue that Chinese interests in Gwadar development may not go beyond the safety of their energy related shipping from the
Persian Gulf
. But, the facility could provide the Chinese a forward base to monitor
US
naval activity in the
Persian Gulf
region as also Indian naval activity in the
Arabian Sea
. As a matter of fact, similar conditions prevail in the
Bay of Bengal
where the Chinese have established facilities at
Coco
Island
in
Myanmar
to monitor Indian maritime activity and missile testing in Orissa.
As far as
Pakistan
is concerned, it will be able to prevent any ‘bottling’ of its navy as was witnessed during the Indo–Pakistan conflict in 1971 and also during the Kargil crisis by developing Gwadar. The port would provide strategic depth to Pakistani maritime assets, both commercial and military. Located some 450 kilometers from the Indian borders, it remains within reach of Indian land based missiles. With sea based land attack missiles gaining importance in Indian naval weaponry, an attack on its maritime infrastructure is likely during any future conflict between the Indian and Pakistani navy.
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