Home Contact Us
Search :

China - Articles

Print Bookmark Email Facebook Subscribe
#3593, 3 April 2012
2012 BRICS Summit: What are the Challenges?
Alok Kumar Gupta
Associate Professor, National University of Study and Research in Law, Ranchi
email: akgalok@gmail.com

To take the initiative of enhancing South-South cooperation in the direction of mutual cooperation and safeguarding the economic interests of developing countries, the fourth top-level BRICS Summit was recently concluded on 29 March 2012 in New Delhi. Since its inception, BRICS has been advocated as having a comparative advantage over many such multilateral inter-governmental organizations.

Some experts of international relations have stressed the primacy of economic relations over political relations and military rivalry at the bilateral level. History also bears witness that bilateral economic relations have often been held hostage by outstanding political issues between countries. Such apprehensions are at minimum level vis-à-vis other such organizations. Thus, as advocated by the leaders of the organization on the eve of the summit, BRICS has tremendous potential to safeguard and protect the economic interests of developing countries, as political compulsions are as least as possible.

The New International Economic Order (NIEO) has so far remained a dream for developing countries. However, if the ‘balance of trade’ is not in their favour, it is at least somewhat balanced in the sense that developing countries are not the subject of exploitation by developed countries. Therefore, for a viable North-South dialogue, South-South cooperation is a prerequisite. Since the South was unable to act in unison, the dialogue for the NIEO with the North could not attain a logical shape. BRIC, and later BRICS, therefore is a new experiment in this direction i.e. to enhance cooperation in the developing world in a manner that allows them to coherently articulate their demands to the North. 

However, there are some obvious and some not-so-obvious challenges before BRICS for it to achieve even a modicum of success in the direction of accelerating South-South cooperation and take it towards a logical end.

First, the very nature of the ‘balance of trade’ between the developing and the developed world has changed by way of its own dynamics, with revolutions in the field of telecommunications and information technology as also in other areas of technology. The tech personnel of developing countries are reaching out to the West and posing a great threat to the tech professionals of the developed world.

Second, outsourcing has created havoc on the unemployment front in developed countries and the government is being pressurized by the people of these countries to reverse the trend.

Third, many developing countries have achieved a fair amount of industrialization on account of their own indigenous technology or by begging, borrowing and/or stealing from developed countries. Accordingly, they find themselves increasingly less dependent on the developed world.

Fourth, there is an increasing awareness among people in the developing world about the nature of their political regimes. Additionally, on account of both internal as well as external dynamics and with the growing incidence of information technology there are many attempts to get rid of exploitative and rent-seeking political regimes. This is a positive change which possesses potential for self-sustained economic growth in these countries. The process will be further boosted if developed countries refrain from intervening either out of their own economic interest or on the pretext of emancipating the local population.

Fifth, developing countries are a divided house within and this is a fact of international politics. Different countries have different levels of development, political regimes, political and social modernization, economic growth, primacy of national interests, inter-state and intra-state conflict. They are virtually divided into zones-of-peace and zones-of-chaos. Given this backdrop it is next to impossible to bring them together on one forum to negotiate a fruitful dialogue with the North. All such attempts, such as G-77, G-15, G-24, SCC and so on have not been able to achieve anything significant.

Sixth, economic relations and trade-intercourse among the member-countries of BRICS itself has to go a long way before they can present an imitable example that would encourage more countries of the developing world to join the bandwagon.

BRICS therefore shall have to understand and address these challenges before it can assume the role of leadership in the developing world and make the dialogue with the North a feasible one. 

Print Bookmark Email Facebook Subscribe
IPCS Columnists
Af-Pak Diary
D Suba Chandran
Resetting Kabul-Islamabad Relations: Three Key Issues
Can Pakistan Reset its Relations with Afghanistan?
The New Afghanistan: Four Major Challenges for President Ghani
Big Picture
Prof Varun Sahni
Understanding Democracy and Diversity in J&K
When Xi Met Modi: Juxtaposing China and India
Pakistan?s Tactical Nuclear Weapons: The Inevitability of Instability

Dateline Colombo

Asanga Abeyagoonasekera.
Sri Lanka: Moving Towards a Higher Collective Outcome
The Importance of Electing the Best to our Nation's Parliament
Sri Lanka: Toward a Diaspora Re-Engagement Plan
Dateline Islamabad
Salma Malik
Pakistan's Hurt Locker: What Next?
IPCS Forecast: Pakistan in 2015
India-Pakistan Relations in 2015: Through a Looking Glass
Dhaka Discourse
Prof Delwar Hossain
IPCS Forecast: Bangladesh in 2015
18th SAARC Summit: A Perspective from Bangladesh
Bangladesh in Global Forums: Diplomacy vs. Domestic Politics
Eagle Eye
Prof Chintamani Mahapatra
India-US: Significance of the Second Modi-Obama Meet
Has President Obama Turned Lame Duck?
Modi-Obama Summit: Criticism for Criticism?s Sake?

East Asia Compass
Dr Sandip Mishra
India-Japan-US Trilateral: India?s Policy for the Indo-Pacific
China-South Korea Ties: Implications for the US Pivot to Asia
Many ?Pivots to Asia?: What Does It Mean For Regional Stability?
Himalayan Frontier
Pramod Jaiswal
Nepal?s New Constitution: Instrument towards Peace or Catalyst to Conflict?
IPCS Forecast: Nepal in 2015
Constitution-making: Will Nepal Miss its Second Deadline?

Prof Shankari Sundararaman
IPCS Forecast: Southeast Asia in 2015
Indonesia's Pacific Identity: What Jakarta Must Do in West Papua
Modi in Myanmar: From ?Look East? to ?Act East?
Sushant Sareen
IPCS Forecast: Pakistan in 2015
Islamic State: Prospects in Pakistan
Pakistan: The Futility of Internationalising Kashmir

Looking East
Wasbir Hussain
Myanmar in New Delhi's Naga Riddle
China: ?Peaceful? Display of Military Might
Naga Peace Accord: Need to Reserve Euphoria
Maritime Matters
Vijay Sakhuja
Indian Ocean: Modi on a Maritime Pilgrimage
Indian Ocean: Exploring Maritime Domain Awareness
IPCS Forecast: The Indian Ocean in 2015

Nuke Street
Amb Sheelkant Sharma
US-Russia and Global Nuclear Security: Under a Frosty Spell?
India's Nuclear Capable Cruise Missile: The Nirbhay Test
India-Australia Nuclear Agreement: Bespeaking of a New Age
Red Affairs
Bibhu Prasad
Countering Left Wing Extremism: Failures within Successes
Return of the Native: CPI-Maoist in Kerala
The Rising Civilian Costs of the State-Vs-Extremists Conflict

Regional Economy
Amita Batra
India and the APEC
IPCS Forecast: South Asian Regional Integration
South Asia: Rupee Regionalisation and Intra-regional Trade Enhancement
South Asian Dialectic
PR Chari
Resuming the Indo-Pak Dialogue: Evolving a New Focus
Defence Management in India: An Agenda for Parrikar
Pakistani Taliban and Al Qaeda in Afghanistan: Implications for Asian Security

Spotlight West Asia
Amb Ranjit Gupta
Prime Minister Modi Finally Begins His Interaction with West Asia*
A Potential Indian Role in West Asia?
US-GCC Summit: More Hype than Substance
Strategic Space
Manpreet Sethi
India-Russia Nuclear Vision Statement: See that it Delivers
Global Nuclear Disarmament: The Humanitarian Consequences Route
Nasr: Dangers of Pakistan's Short Range Ballistic Missile

The Strategist
Vice Admiral Vijay Shankar
Jihadi Aggression and Nuclear Deterrence
The Blight of Ambiguity
Falun Gong: The Fear Within

OTHER REGULAR contributors
Gurmeet Kanwal
Harun ur Rashid
N Manoharan
Wasbir Hussain
Rana Banerji
N Manoharan

Ruhee Neog
Teshu Singh
Aparupa Bhattacherjee
Roomana Hukil
Aparupa Bhattacherjee

Related Articles
Tilak Jha,
"2012 BRICS Summit: What is China’s Significance?," 3 April 2012
Medha Chaturvedi,
"Myanmar and the West: Economics of Politics," 27 February 2012
Swaran Singh,
"China-India: Courting Closer Confidence," 8 February 2012
Swaran Singh,
"BRICS Summit: A Paradigm Shift?," 11 April 2011
Marian Gallenkamp,
"Developments in Chinese Foreign Policy and International Relations," 5 May 2009
Sowmiya Narayanan,
""We Will Rebuild, We Will Recover"," 2 March 2009

Browse by Publications

Issue Briefs 
Special Reports 
Research Papers 
Seminar Reports 
Conference Reports 

Browse by Region/Countries

East Asia 
South Asia 
Southeast Asia 
US & South Asia 

Browse by Issues

India & the world  
Naxalite Violence 
Suicide Terrorism 
Peace & Conflict Database 
Article by same Author
Bangladesh Post Elections 2014: India’s Challenges and Options

26/11: Yellow Journalism versus State Intervention

Western Rajasthan Becoming a Transit Route for Narcotics

Terrorist Attack on 26/11: Reactions and Implications

Barack Obama: From Weary Past to Wary Future

MNS Attack on North Indians: Another Face of Terrorism

Indo-Bangladesh Maritime Border Dispute: Problems and Prospects

Nuclear Deal and Strategic Concerns: Myths and Realities

Unconditional Exemption by NSG: Is it Necessary?

Clemenceau: A Threat to Individual Security

Baglihar Project: Another Bone of Contention

Proliferation Security Initiative: Imperatives and Relevance

Phalcon Sale to India: Regional Ramifications

Admiral Gorshkov: An Aircraft Carrier for Strategic Advantage

Bangladesh-Pakistan Relations: The Dawn of a New Era

Islamic Fundamentalism in Bangladesh and Pakistan: Role of Madrassas

Admiral Gorshkov: The Russian aircraft-carrier for India

Land Reclamation: Indo-Bangladesh Maritime Dispute

India and Bangladesh: Enclaves Dispute

Kalapani: A Bone of Contention Between India and Nepal

The Ganges Water Sharing Treaty: Genesis & Significance

Indo-Bangladesh Relations in a Changing Strategic Environment

Status of Forces Agreement (SOFA): Strategic Concerns of Bangladesh

Y! MyWeb
Print Bookmark Email Facebook Subscribe
Year 2015
 January  February  March  April  May  June  July  August  September  October  November
 2014  2013  2012  2011  2010  2009  2008  2007
 2006  2005  2004  2003  2002  2001  2000  1999
 1998  1997

The Institute of Peace and Conflict Studies (IPCS) is the premier South Asian think tank which conducts independent research on and provides an in depth analysis of conventional and non-conventional issues related to national and South Asian security including nuclear issues, disarmament, non-proliferation, weapons of mass destruction, the war on terrorism, counter terrorism , strategies security sector reforms, and armed conflict and peace processes in the region.

For those in South Asia and elsewhere, the IPCS website provides a comprehensive analysis of the happenings within India with a special focus on Jammu and Kashmir and Naxalite Violence. Our research promotes greater understanding of India's foreign policy especially India-China relations, India's relations with SAARC countries and South East Asia.

Through close interaction with leading strategic thinkers, former members of the Indian Administrative Service, the Foreign Service and the three wings of the Armed Forces - the Indian Army, Indian Navy, and Indian Air Force, - the academic community as well as the media, the IPCS has contributed considerably to the strategic discourse in India.

Subscribe to Newswire | Site Map | IPCS Email
B 7/3 Lower Ground Floor, Safdarjung Enclave, New Delhi 110029, INDIA.

Tel: 91-11-4100-1900, Tel: 91-11-4100-1901, Tel/Fax: 91-11-4100-1902

© Copyright 2015, Institute of Peace and Conflict Studies.
        Web Design by http://www.indiainternets.com