Chairperson: Amb
Vijay Nambiar
Speakers: Gp Capt Steele
Col C A Pithawala
Mr A
Mace
Welcome Address: Maj
Gen Dipankar Banerjee
Gen Banerjee opened the session by welcoming all participants
and highlighted that it was a part of the ongoing consultations between the
British and Indian governments to discuss and deliberate on issues concerning
contemporary peace operations. The discussion being of an informal nature, he
urged the participants to convey their thoughts in a free and frank manner.
Opening Remarks: Amb
Vijay Nambiar
Speaking on the political perspective of peace operations, Amb
Vijay Nambiar said that contemporary peace operations have come a long way from
their 'blue helmet operation' image. They have evolved from one stage to another
over the years. Initially they were seen as inter-positionary forces.
Subsequently they grew into a robust operation with global participation. Now
they are seen as the 'coalitional of the willing' or an effort by regional
parties. Thus one can see a fair amount of mutation that has occurred in the
process. The moot question that one needs to address at this stage is how far
has the transition affected the credibility of the United Nations (UN) as a body
to initiate and supervise peace operations? Response to the above question is of
vital importance following the Brahimi Report which has cast serious doubts on
the efficacy of contemporary peace operations as an instrument of preserving
collective security.
Some of the issues of significance and concern that this
seminar will have to look into are:
Studying the impact of peace operations on the overall image of
the United Nations is perhaps the most important aspect of this brainstorming
session especially in the wake of the impact it has on popular reaction to the
organization and its activities.
The second crucial aspect that needs to be deliberated upon is
the impact of outside parties like the great powers and regional organizations
on the overall design and execution of peace operations. The fluctuations in the
preparation of major powers with regard to peace operations and the lack of
security consensus among them, makes it pertinent to discuss the issue.
Finally, one needs to understand the changing nature of peace
operations itself, which goes beyond the use of military (forces) to cover
critical aspects of civilian, police and humanitarian functions.
Doctrine of Peace
Support Operations: Gp Capt Steele
Group Captain Steele began his presentation after thanking the
chair and the house and laid out for discussion the fundamental principles of
the British doctrine of Peace Support Operations (PSO). The doctrine of PSO
strives to incorporate the dramatic changes in international politics in terms
of the complexity and number of actors while also factoring in the experiences
of peacekeeping operations. Briefly each situation has its conflict cycles and
these conflict cycles need to be broken into.
Three Fundamentals
The Group Captain laid down the three fundamentals of the new
doctrine which the British Army has been working upon. The first fundamental was
the Campaign Authority. The second and the third fundamentals are the use of
force and perseverance respectively.
The long term success of a PSO is predicated on the creation,
enhancement and sustainment of a high level of Campaign Authority. The first was
the perceived legitimacy of the mandate, the second the legitimacy of the
Campaign Authority. The issues related to Campaign Authority were the degree to
which factions in the conflict subjugated themselves to the Campaign Authority
and the degree to which the PSO met the expectations of the local population.
The use of force in a PSO should always be circumscribed as it
affects the Campaign Authority and on the other end force must be credible so as
to make the enforcement of the mandate possible. The last fundamental was the
factor of perseverance. This demands that the actors identify campaign
objectives and pursue them with a complementary and a resolute attitude. The PSO
should be approached across issues by the various departments civil and
military.
Five Guiding
Principles
Steele then enumerated five guiding principles of PSOs. These
guiding principles were its basic rules which incorporated the experiences of
the past and enable the operations to be better equipped to deal with conflict
and peacemaking.
The first principle involved a comprehensive and complementary
campaign. This essentially meant that a campaign should be planned in its
entirety and with enough preparations to cope with the dynamics of the
situation. The aim is to exploit the synergistic effects through the coordinated
activation of each instrument of the state. The second was that of preventive
action. Preventive action should be taken as a response to an emerging threat.
The third principle was the principle of sensitised action. Sensitised action
meant the PSO actors should make all efforts to respect local world and culture.
This point was considered extremely important as disrespect or tensions with the
local population while immediately affecting the campaign at the tactical level
also has a negative influence at the strategic level.
The fourth guiding principle was security. All military
personnel involved in PSO must recognize that a balance must be struck between
hard force protection measures and soft measures that can significantly
contribute to overall force protection. The fifth and probably as important if
not more than the others was the principle of transparency. Transparency in
itself should be seen as the strategic aim of the campaign. The comprehensive
campaign planned ahead should be followed to its logical end, by all actors and
institutions. This understanding of the campaign should be regularly transmitted
to the locals to generate a sympathy or understanding for the campaign.
Britain, Peace Support
Operations and Africa
In his concluding remarks Steele talked of the experience of
peace support operations in Africa. The British have made efforts to help the
African Union as best as possible to bring about peace and help stabilize
conflict situations. The British government recognizes the issues of African
politics and a conclusion of sorts has been reached to apply African solutions
to African problems. Such a course of action, while inherently more mature and
reflective, has been due to the lessons of bad experience of Peace Keeping in
Africa. The British government is seeking to help the African Union at the
strategic level and there is no effort to create a NATO in Africa. The African
Union does not have a Peace Support Operations doctrine.
Operations: A Military
Perspective: Col C A Pithawala (Director, UN Cell, Army
Headquarters)
Contributing to the exchange of ideas and sharing of
experiences between the two sides, Col Pithawala presented an overview of
India's participation in peacekeeping operations since 1950. He said that India
has so far participated in around 35 operations in fifty years of UN
peacekeeping. He
opined that India's participation has evolved into one of the finest
contribution in peacekeeping under the UN. In the 1950s, India participated in
missions in Korea and Indo-China. In the sixties, about eleven thousand troops
were sent for peacekeeping in Congo. The number of missions stood at ten till
the 1980s. There was a sudden surge of operations in the 1990s and India's
participation ranged from Africa to Southeast Asia. In the fifties, about 5
thousand troops were deployed for peace keeping operations whereas in the
eighties, India's participation was predominantly in the form of observer
missions. Some of the countries where India contributed to peacekeeping
operations in the 1990s are Cambodia, Mozambique, Somalia and Sierra
Leone.
India is presently engaged in sixteen missions mostly in
Africa. India's linkages here started with Congo. There are missions presently
in Ethiopia and Lebanon with 55 military observers in all. In Lebanon, India is
holding strategically the most important area in the North. The Indian
mission has been successful in cooperating with the Lebanese government. In the
UN mission in Ethiopia and Eritrea, India is the largest contributor. The Indian
mission is accompanied by construction and engineering companies. In Ethiopia,
India has now been given the Eastern sector apart from the Central sector that
it has been responsible for. This now totals three-fourths of the area of
responsibility. The Erar Bridge is being constructed by India.
Col Pithawala said that the main thrust of India's peacekeeping participation is its emphasis on winning hearts and minds of the local
populace. Jobs undertaken by Indian peacekeepers include defusing bombs,
conducting medical camps, providing mid-day meals, running schools.
Participation in local festivals has formed part of the memory of the
peacekeepers. Col Pithawala concluded by presenting a short film on India's
peacekeeping operations.
Discussion
Uses of
doctrine
-
The purpose of doctrine is to
establish key operating principles - to codify past experiences as a guide for
future action. The application of these principles will differ for changing
conditions and environment.
-
India has no written doctrine for
peace operations, but a wealth of experience. India's practice has
traditionally been an outgrowth of its counter-insurgency doctrine - so it has
always acknowledged the importance of winning hearts and minds and ensuring
local empowerment.
Campaign
Authority
-
'Campaign Authority' is a term coined
in the new British doctrine, which stresses the need for a mandate which is
legitimate and accepted by all key stakeholders. British experience in Sierra
Leone and East Timor, among other places, suggests that a well-understood,
legitimate mandate is critical for the success of a peace operation. But, the
pertinent question that remains is who has given the mandate and to whom and
who would execute this with regard to the Campaign Authority?
Use of
force
-
Force in peace operations must be
used intelligently. In India's case, the emphasis has strongly been towards
'minimum force'. It must be used within the laws of armed conflict, it must be
moderate, and it must be credible. In some cases it may not be necessary at
all - security may be guaranteed through a solid and widely-accepted Campaign
Authority. No preventive measure has been taken over a decade to check the
flow of arms in conflict torn countries in Africa, which in effect is the
reason for many conflicts in the region.
Importance of a
holistic approach
-
Peace operations encompass a wide
range of actions from peace enforcement, to peacekeeping, to development
assistance. Peace and security must be defined broadly, to include
reconstruction, good governance, and capacity building. The Brahimi Report
recognized the importance of "developmental peace-keeping", which seeks to
address economic and governance issues.
-
Narrow peace-keeping, as well as
narrow financial assistance, are not sufficient. Britain has learned that
development assistance must be a whole-of-government approach, which
coordinates effort between different government agencies, NGOs, and
institutions in the target country.
Local resistance to
occupation
-
An emerging body of thinking,
rationalizing resistance to occupation, as well as technological developments
such as the proliferation of light weapons, is making peace operations more
difficult. The nature of threat to peacekeepers has changed, to include even
suicide attacks. On the other hand, for the first time, with the current
Darfur genocide, African states are now considering intervention in another
African state, but their response has not been adequate or timely.
-
Home grown democratic models or local
solutions should be given priority as western democratic models results in
negative peace. The anomaly concerning formation of peacekeeping force has
generated skepticism due to selective yardsticks adopted by the western
powers, wherein affected countries with vast natural resources are paid more
attention and naturally not for the right reasons.
Preventative and
Pre-emptive action
-
The idea of preventative action to
forestall complex emergencies that require peace operations may be viewed as
more politicized and controversial in an age when states claim the right to
pre-emptive action.
-
Preventative action should not,
however, be considered only as military actions. They can include diplomatic
measures, developmental assistance, and coercive measures short of war. The
actions taken to contain Iraq in the 1990s - such as sanctions and 'No Fly
Zones' - could be seen as attempts to prevent a complex emergency. However,
they may often be unduly coercive and hence
counter-productive.
Exit
strategies
-
Ending a military phase of peace
operation requires the transfer of control to local authorities - as the
coalition is doing in Afghanistan and Iraq. The cycle of violence can only be
broken with the active involvement of the indigenous population. Military
operations are only a part of the broader peace operation, but the transition
from military to civilian control of the peace operation has always been a
critical process for the success of the operation.
Local ownership and
foreign assistance
-
The G8-OAU joint plan on peace
operations is designed to coordinate and streamline international support to
African states. G8 policy makers understand the importance of "African
solutions to African problems", but also understand the need to provide vital
assistance. The key is to build capacity in Africa, for example through
programs that seek to "train the trainer" and thereby disseminate critical
skills in the target country. This can also be done by partnering with
regional organisations (such as the OAU), providing them with funding and
expertise as required, but leaving them in control. Outsiders in Africa are
forced to balance the impulse for local ownership of the operation, with the
imperative to act urgently in emergencies such as the Darfur genocide.
Legitimacy and the
role of the UN
-
Legitimacy in peacekeeping operations
depends upon the force being accepted by the local people as having the
necessary authority. Interventions have traditionally been conducted under the
aegis of the UN. Even in the absence of a UN mandate, the endorsement of the
UN Security Council has been the yardstick of legality of interventions. But
there is an increasing gap between legality and legitimacy (let alone
justice).
-
The UN Security Council faces a
crisis of legitimacy, which the Secretary-General has acknowledged. The
Council does not represent the developing world and their aspirations. It
leaves out Africa, Latin America and much of Asia's populated countries. The
developed countries today do not contribute to UN's peacekeeping forces.
Unless these anomalies are corrected, the UN's efforts at peacekeeping will
continue to suffer. It was noted that the UK Prime Minister, Tony Blair, has
publicly supported India's candidacy for a permanent seat on the Council to
address this question of legitimacy. India must also accept the
responsibilities that come with that
position.