Home Contact Us
Search :
IPCS: Research Institutes in India
   

Afghanistan - Articles

Print Bookmark Email FacebookFacebook
#627, 31 October 2001
 
Afghanistan: After Taliban What?
D Suba Chandran
Research Officer, IPCS
 

It is believed that peace will be established once the Taliban regime is overthrown in Afghanistan . Formation of a broad-based national government, either under King Zahir Shah or under the UN, the West feels, would be the first step in that direction. But the ethnic polarization, tribal nature and involvement of outside powers are factors that militate against future stability in Afghanistan

 

 

First, the main opposition to a post-Taliban Afghanistan would obviously come from the Taliban itself. The present war against the Taliban regime, the West believes, would topple them, result in defections, but would not remove them from the Afghan scene. True, there may be defections, but the core leadership of Taliban would remain intact. The Islamic Council or the Supreme Shura is a closely-knit group, and from the beginning, the Taliban have never allowed defectors to become a part of it. This Council is largely made up of people from Kandahar and they would remain loyal till the end to their leader Mullah Omar. The Taliban is certain to oppose any framework that might be imposed after its removal. They have enough firepower to sustain guerilla warfare for a long period.

 

 

Secondly, Pakistan will not abandon the Taliban. Any political setup, led either by the Northern Alliance or by King Zahir Shah, will not be in the interests of Pakistan , hence it would not support them. Taliban would be Pakistan ’s choice to create problems for any future government in Afghanistan . Besides its national interests, internal pressures, especially from the Jamiat Ulema-i-Islam(JUI)-led fundamentalist parties will force Pakistan to support the Taliban. The JUI propped up the Taliban and is its most ardent supporter inside Pakistan . Even if the future government in Afghanistan is acceptable to Pakistan , it will support the Taliban to gain leverage over its policies.

 

 

Thirdly, the Northern Alliance , which is considered as an option to lead a broad based government will never be accepted by the Pashtuns. The Northern Alliance comprises of three major groups – Jamiat-e-Islami, Hizb-I-Wahdad-I-Islami and Junbish-I-milli-yi Islami-yi Afghanistan – representing the Tajiks of northern Afghanistan , Shiite Hazaras and the Uzbeks. There is no Pashtun leader of any stature in the Northern Alliance . Hekmetyar, the notable leader among the Pashtuns, could not share power with the Rabbani government (the leaders of the present Northern Alliance ) in the aftermath of the Najibullah regime’s downfall in 1992. In fact, it was the reluctance of Hekmatyar and his continued attack on the government led by Rabbani that resulted in the Taliban gaining control.

 

 

Besides, there is no consensus within the Alliance due to several personal clashes within it. Dostum, who has shifted his allegiance frequently in the past, will never be trusted by any of the leaders of the Alliance . Secondly, the Northern Alliance has influence in select ethnic enclaves in the north and the west and has no popular support in the south, especially among the Pashtuns

 

 

Fourthly, Zahir Shah, being propped up by the West, seems a viable choice only from outside the country; the reality inside Afghanistan is different. Zahir Shah left Afghanistan in 1973 after the coup by his cousin Daud and never returned. It is doubtful whether the Pashtun community will accept him, let alone the other communities. Even inside Pakistan , there is little support for the Shah to return.

 

 

Fifthly, the type of government that could be set up in Afghanistan and whether it would be accepted by the Afghan community needs to be analyzed. Afghan society is primarily a tribal and feudal society governed by local customs and tribal practices. Intra-tribal loyalties are stronger than any pan-Afghan sentiments. Introducing a democratic political setup would be counter productive, as has happened in the past. The Communists under the People’s Democratic Party of Afghanistan (PDPA) attempted to establish a modern Afghanistan , but the rural population turned against them. 

 

 

If democracy is not the answer, would a monarchy yield better results? For a long time, Afghanistan was ruled by the monarchs. In the future, with Western military support and non-intervention from neighboring states, especially Pakistan and Iran , a monarch will be able to establish order, but not peace. The Afghan nation consists of a number of sub-nations that a pan-Afghan government may not be easy to establish.

 

 

Finally, how long would the international community led by the US be interested in establishing a peaceful society inside Afghanistan ? Once the primary interest of the US – capturing Osama bin Laden and toppling the Taliban regime is achieved, it is unlikely that the US would continue its efforts. Once the media shifts its attention after the current crisis is over, the international community would focus on other issues.

 

 

The fall of Taliban is inevitable. But it may not result in peace coming to Afghanistan

 
Article by same Author
Reading Pakistan: How does Pakistan see the War on Terrorism?

Reading Pakistan: Stand-Off on NATO Supply Line

‘Balochistan’ as a Strategic Issue vs the ‘Baloch’ as a Political Problem

Indo-Pak Nuclear CBMs: The Road to Nowhere

Af-Pak Diary: The Taliban Apologists, Opportunists and Opponents

A 'Delhi Discourse' with Central Asia: Reviving Linkages

Reading Pakistan: A New Taliban Shura

Af-Pak Diary: Exporting Sectarianism?

Reading Pakistan: What will follow the NATO Strikes?

Af-Pak Diary: Civil War and Instability as an Option in Afghanistan

Reading Pakistan: What if US-Pak Ties Break?

Reading Pakistan: Why is the Haqqani Network so Important?

Af-Pak Diary: From Ahmad Shah Massoud to Rabbani

Ten Years After: ‘Terror Franchisees’ as an Evolving Phenomenon

Ten Years After: Al Qaeda’s Game Plan

Af-Pak Diary: Will Mullah Omar Negotiate? What is Taliban's End Game?

Af-Pak Diary: Should India Adapt to the Game, or Attempt to Change It?

Reading Pakistan-IV: A War within Pakistan’s Security Establishment?

Reading Pakistan-III: Is Pakistan Jihad’s Lebensraum?

After Osama - VI: What will be the al Qaeda’s Game Plan?

After Osama - V: End the War on Terror?

Maulana Showkat Shah: One More Dead; How Many More To Go?

Reading Pakistan-III: Is Military the Only Glue?

Alternative Strategies for J&K: Before Next Summer

Reading Pakistan-II: Four Implications of Salman Taseer’s Assassination

ADD TO:
Blink
Del.icio.us
Digg
Furl
Google
Simpy
Spurl
Y! MyWeb
FacebookFacebook
 
Print Bookmark Email
 
 

The Institute of Peace and Conflict Studies (IPCS) is the premier South Asian think tank which conducts independent research on and provides an in depth analysis of conventional and non-conventional issues related to national and South Asian security including nuclear issues, disarmament, non-proliferation, weapons of mass destruction, the war on terrorism, counter terrorism , strategies security sector reforms, and armed conflict and peace processes in the region.

For those in South Asia and elsewhere, the IPCS website provides a comprehensive analysis of the happenings within India with a special focus on Jammu and Kashmir and Naxalite Violence. Our research promotes greater understanding of India's foreign policy especially India-China relations, India's relations with SAARC countries and South East Asia.

Through close interaction with leading strategic thinkers, former members of the Indian Administrative Service, the Foreign Service and the three wings of the Armed Forces - the Indian Army, Indian Navy, and Indian Air Force, - the academic community as well as the media, the IPCS has contributed considerably to the strategic discourse in India.

 
Subscribe to Newswire | Site Map
B 7/3 Lower Ground Floor, Safdarjung Enclave, New Delhi 110029, INDIA.
Tel: 91-11-4100 1900, 4165 2556, 4165 2557, 4165 2558, 4165 2559 Fax: (91-11) 41652560
Email:
© Copyright 2012, Institute of Peace and Conflict Studies.
        Web Design India Internet